YouTube Local History: Pembina Depot

The video above was brought to my attention by Bill Ash the other day. In the interim, Bill found out from Clarence Bingham the scoop on the last few seconds of the film showing a depot, which turned out to be the old Pembina Depot, in its glory days!

Clarence also had this to say about Olaf Hanson, whose family (including Olaf) are shown earlier in the film:

Olaf Hanson was a Customs Inspector at Pembina during the 1950s. The depot in the video is the old Great Northern depot in Pembina. Olaf had a penchant for getting in trouble with the passengers he inspected by trying to joke with them. Unfortunately, travelers were not in a joking mood when crossing the border. To make matters worse the Collector of Customs office was just a couple of miles down the road in Pembina, so they would stop and complain. My desk in the headquarters office was close to the Collector's , so I could not help but hear some of those tirades. One day Olaf inspected a young man and woman at the Pembina Border station. He ascertained they were not married while establishing their citizenship, then when he was inspecting their car/suitcase, he jokingly inquired if it was appropriate that their underwear was comingled in the suitcase. They did not appreciate his attempt at humor and stopped at the Headquarters to lodge a complaint. The Collector - John O'Keefe - subsequently had Olaf in and threatened to transfer him to Hannah, N.D., where he would not encounter so many travelers. I don't recall if the transfer was in fact ever carried out.

When we lived in Pembina the GN depot was repainted. The B&B crew came to town - about 1958/59 - and in a few days painted the depot and associated buildings that God awful brownish/mustard yellow color the GN used in those days. A year or two later the section crew chief in Pembina repainted his house and by some mysterious circumstance the color was the same as the depot.

Bill Ash has this to share about Clarence:

Clarence "Bing" Bingham is a first cousin of my mother...He grew up in Wisconsin but got a job at the Railway Express office in Noyes, MN in the early 50's and soon after took a position with US Customs at Pembina and Noyes. He is retired now and is living in the state of Oregon.

Mike's Memories: Town Ball

After the First World War, Manitoba became a preferred destination for barnstorming  ball teams from the United States. All professionals, these American teams would roll through towns and villages throughout the province playing local amateur and semi-pro squads and often, the barnstormers got themselves whupped.

From:  Home Run

My earliest memories were going to baseball games on hot summer evenings. My home town of Humboldt, Minnesota had first rate baseball teams in the 1920s and 1930s. The entire town would follow the town ball team.

The early teams featured the Diamond brothers: Levi, Herb, and Ikey. Lomas Matthews was another legendary track star and baseball player who hailed from Humboldt. Happy Chandler, later to become the baseball commissioner and Senator from Kentucky played one summer for Humboldt.

Another early legendary player from the Humboldt team was Cal Farley who, like most of the other ball players on the 1910 team, was also interested in track and wrestling and went on to form Cal Farley's Boys Ranch in Texas. The U.S. Government honored him by printing a U.S. stamp named for him. The 1920 team also shows many of the players.

During the late 1940s and early 1950s, Humboldt had an excellent travelling team.

My Dad played first base and my Uncle Burton Turner was a pitcher. Burton's father, Ernest Turner, was a legendary pitcher. Many of the stories of early Humboldt baseball are well documented on this web site.

Who was the greatest player in Kittson County History? Some might say Ernie Turner, Happy Chandler, the Diamond boys, or Clarence Beck. [Note from Trish:  And don't forget Eli Gooselaw...] We don't have videos and it is impossible to compare players across generations. My candidate for player of the Millennium for the County is Humboldt's own native son, Scott Matthew.

Cemetery Project

I received a most welcome - and exciting - email two days ago, but was only able to post about it now since I've been out-of-town (yes, even I do get away from the computer once and awhile...) The email came from Marcy Johnson, and she had this to tell me...

I have been meaning to contact you ever since I found your web site. I am Marcy Dahl Johnson from Hallock and have been working with Perm Diamond on the Humboldt book. She asked me to do cemetery indexes for St. Vincent, Joe River and Humboldt/Clow Cemeteries. I have visited your web site several times and LOVE it! My interest is always the history.

I grew up in Marshall County (Eagle Point Township) and I enjoy genealogy. I have a data base with 45,600 names and information for Kittson and Marshall counties. I have been entering information in the data base for 6 years and it is from old newspapers, Kittson County atlas, maps, and history books from the area. This data base will be at the museum in Lake Bronson soon. They are in the process of setting up a new computer with Family Tree Maker software.

I also volunteered with the Minnesota Genealogical Society a few years ago and helped them create a data base of all cemeteries and private burials in Kittson and Marshall Counties. I visited all the cemeteries in both counties and gathered the following info which is now online:

Name; Alternate names; Cemetery Type (church, community, private); Oldest Burial; Active or Inactive; Location (City, Township, Street Address, County, State, Zip); Latitude; Longitude (I used a hand held GSP to determine latitude and longitude); Township Number; Range; Section Number; Sexton – Name, e-mail, Street Address, State, Zip, Phone; Driving Directions; Cemetery Notes; Location of any transcriptions of the cemeteries.

It would be great to put the cemetery indexes online after the Humboldt reunion so people can contact me with corrections or additions.

Someday I hope to complete cemetery indexes for all the cemeteries in Kittson County. I like to think big! I am now working on Teien Covenant, Saron Lutheran, Skjeberg Lutheran, and Eidsvold in Halma. I just finished Red River Lutheran for their 125th Anniversary last summer.

I could go on and on! I will send you a sample of St. Vincent. It is too huge (16 pages) to send it all as I just have dial-up at home. I also sent the page I did on the additional burials in St. Vincent Township. Since I finished the information on the cemeteries that went in the book, I have received copies of the early records covering the years 1881 to 1915 for Christ Episcopal Church from the Episcopal Diocese of Minnesota. I wish I would have had them before all the information went in the book. There is several additions to the Joe River and St. Vincent Cemeteries that we never had and the additions were not in the early cemetery record books. I am giving copies of the early records to the museum. They would be a neat thing to put on your web site as it also lists all the baptisms for the area for those years.

When completing this research I found out that there was a cemetery north of the Christ Episcopal Church in St. Vincent. I will have to contact the MN Genealogical Society and add that info to what is already online. When I received the early records from the Episcopal Diocese there is two burials listed as being in the church yard. We did mention this early cemetery in the Humboldt book but the names of the two burials in the church yard are not in the Humboldt book.

St. Vincent Cemetery
A list of burials with family information

The St. Vincent cemetery is located in St. Vincent Township, NE1/4 SW1/4 of section 2, Kittson County, MN. It was established in 1887. To locate the cemetery on the north side of St. Vincent (from the intersection of State Hwy 171 and Cty 35) - go south on Cty 35 for .2 miles - cemetery is on your left.

Information was obtained from Kittson County Historical Society, township and cemetery records, Kittson County history books, Red River Valley Web Site by Dennis L. Matthews, the online MN and ND birth and death index, Social Security death index, census records, obituaries and family members. On occasion the dates in the courthouse records are different then the dates on the gravestones. We have used the dates from the birth and death records at the Kittson County courthouse if available. Many of the French, English, Swedish, Norwegian, etc. names were spelled or pronounced differently in the US. If there is more then one spelling of a name, the old spelling was used first, followed by a / and the current spelling.

This cemetery list will be available at the Kittson County Museum and will be updated yearly. Contact the Kittson County Museum at history@wiktel.com or contact Marcy Johnson at marneil@wiktel.com to add your additions or corrections. No responsibility is taken for the accuracy of the information.

baby Ahles 7 Oct 1949 - 7 Oct 1949; dau. of Allen and Alice Swenson Ahles; Lot 35-A

Christie McDonald Ahles 25 May 1894 - 13 April 1967; wife of William 'Bill' George Ahles; dau. of John and Katherine McDonald; mother of Katherine (Fred) Harper, Allen (Alice Swenson); Lot 5-E

Phillip 'Phil' Christoph Ahles 31 Jan 1882 - 19 Oct 1967; 1^st hus. of Marie A. Seed; son of John and Louisa Younker Ahles; brother of William; Lot 69-A

Andrew E. Anderson Feb 1848 - 1901; hus. of Annie Donnelly; son of ?; father of John Harris, Mabel M.; Lot 65-D

Annie Donnelly Anderson Oct 1857 - 9 Jan 1937; wife of Andrew E. Anderson; dau. of ? Donnelly; mother of John Harris, Mabel M.; Lot 65-D

John Harris Anderson 8 July 1878 - 9 Sept 1949; son of Andrew E. and Annie Donnelly Anderson; Lot 65-D

Ruth Russel Cowan Armstrong 13 Aug 1913 - 25 Oct 1929; dau. of Fred and Margaret 'Maggie' Cowan Armstrong; Lot 46-D

Sarah Sophia Russell Armstrong 29 Aug 1861 - 19 June 1939; wife of William J. Armstrong; dau. of ? and Rebecca Russell; mother of Ann, Margaret (Joseph) Lang, Lillian, Albert, Edna, Stella, Fred (Margaret 'Maggie' Cowan), James, Olive (John Samuel) Easter; Lot 56-D

William J. Armstrong 31 Aug 1858 - 17 Nov 1900; hus. of Sarah Sophia Russell; son of James and Ann Armstrong; father of Ann, Margaret (Joseph) Lang, Lillian, Albert, Edna, Stella, Fred (Margaret 'Maggie' Cowan), James, Olive (John Samuel) Easter; Lot 56-D

Barbara Ash 2 Jan 1882 - 17 Feb 1970; dau.of George and Solomey Ash; Lot 33-A

Carrie Amanda Cederholm Ash 15 Dec 1872 - 24 Aug 1941; wife of William Ash; dau. of Samuel J. and Bengta 'Betsy' L. Cederholm ; mother of William S. (Vera Easter), Carl (Marjorie Sylvester), Laurence Edward, Marguerite (Alexander) Shaw, Robert (Dorothy Gardiner), Ida (Edwin 'George') Sylvester; Lot 32 A

Esther Alida Johnson Ash 5 Jan 1879 - 27 Aug 1946; wife of Thomas Ash; dau. of Adolph Fredrick and Anna Mary 'Marie' Miller Johnson; mother of Russell (Florence Johnson), Muriel (Clifford) Clow, Nora (Albert) Clow, Marjorie (David) Irvine, Roy (Marion Peto); Lot 44-A

George Ash Jr. 11 Aug 1870 - 28 Dec 1923; hus. of Nellie Sugden; son of George and Salomey Dunneral Ash; father of George J., Florence, David, Woodrow; Lot 11-A

George Ash Sr. 17 Nov 1843 - 5 Jan 1914; hus. of Salomey Dunneral; son of George and Barbara Ash/Esch; father of William (Carrie Cederholm), George Jr. (Nellie Sudgen), John (Mabel Horne), Thomas (Esther Johnson), Marguerite 'Mattie' (John) Horgan, Catherine (Thomas) Seed, Barbara, Lena (John 'Jack') Webster, Josepine (George) Webster; Lot 33-A

Joan Ash 12 Dec 1946 - 12 Dec 1946; dau. of Roy Frederick and Marion Alice Peto Ash; Lot 23-A

Jean Ash 12 Dec 1946 - 12 Dec 1946; dau. of Roy Frederick and Marion Alice Peto Ash; Lot 23-A

Laurence Edward Ash 18 Aug 1904 - 8 Oct 1921; son of William and Carrie Amanda Cederholm Ash; Lot 22-A

Salomey Donneral Ash 31 May 1849 - 5 Feb 1920; wife of George Ash Sr.; dau. of Nicholas and Margaret Donneral; mother of William (Carrie Cederholm), George Jr. (Nellie Sudgen), John (Mabel Horne), Thomas (Esther Johnson), Marguerite 'Mattie' (John) Horgan, Catherine (Thomas) Seed, Barbara, Lena (John 'Jack') Webster, Josephine (George) Webster; Lot 33-A

Thomas Ash 5 Jan 1874 - 2 Nov 1929; hus. of Esther Alida Johnson; son of George and Salomey Dunneral Ash; father of Russell (Florence Johnson), Muriel (Clifford) Clow, Nora (Albert) Clow, Marjorie (David) Irvine, Roy (Marion Peto); Lot 44-A

Vera Blanche Easter Ash 18 June 1900 - 25 Jan 1988; wife of William Samuel Ash; dau. of William H. and Hilda Monroe Easter; mother of William Herman (Audrey Joyner), Leo (Ann Botko), Harold (Barbara Saburn); Lot 32-B

William Ash 15 Jan 1869 - 24 Jan 1950; hus. of Carrie Amanda Cederholm; son of George and Salomey Dunneral Ash; father of William Samuel (Vera Easter), Carl (Marjorie Sylvester), Laurence Edward, Marguerite (Alexander) Shaw, Robert (Dorothy Gardiner), Ida (Edwin 'George') Sylvester; Lot 32-A

William Herman Ash 4 Jan 1930 - 6 Dec 1998; US ARMY; hus. of Audrey Marilyn Joyner; son of William S. and Vera Blanche Easter Ash; father of William G., Steven (Joy Johnson), Darryl (Candy Quarve), Mark (Kim Hatton); Lot 21-E

William Samuel Ash 12 Dec 1897 - 19 May 1981; hus. of Vera Blanche Easter; son of William and Carrie Amanda Cederholm Ash; father of William Herman (Audrey Joyner), Leo (Ann Botko), Harold (Barbara Saburn); Lot 32-A

Francis 'Bud' B. Bakken 13 June 1929 - 01 October 1982; US ARMY KOREA; hus. of Violet 'Vi' Johnson; son of Otto and Helen Juberg Bakken; father of Rodney (Shannon Seng Stenmark), Richard (Becky Gregorie Thorlacius), Rock (Deloros 'Dee Dee' Giffen), Robin (Chris) Brown, Randy, Lori (Tim) Gustafson; Lot 17-F

Blanche Marie Balderston 12 July 1909 - 29 Aug 1919; dau. of William 'Ernest' and Florence Marie Fitzgerald Balderston; Lot 59 D

Jane Balderston June 1864 - 19 Jan 1941; 2^nd wife of William Charles Balderston- dau. of ?; Lot 59-D

Mable Jane Balderston 23 April 1900 - 22 Aug 1900; dau. of William 'Ernest' and Florence Marie Fitzgerald Balderston; 4 months old; Lot 59-D

William Charles Balderston 14 June 1849 - 3 Jan 1919; hus. of Matilda Ann Hinton and Jane ?; parents unknown; father of Artemas Sandford (Mary Hannah Sylvester), William Ernest (Florance Fitzgerald), Benjamin Foster (Lillie Fitzpatrick); Lot 59 D

Annie Rose Ross Ball Sept 1874 - 6 July 1901; wife of Guy H. Ball; dau. of Wellington and Mary Graham Ross; mother of Orma, Almira; Lot 59-D

Guy H. Ball 9 July 1873 - 5 Nov 1931; hus. of Annie Rose Ross; son of John and Eliza Orr Ball; father of Orma, Almira; Lot 57-D

Marie/Mary Berthelet/Bartlette 1861 - June 1939; dau. of Pierre and Louise Bracer/Brayeau
Berthelet/Bartlette; Lot 37-C

Arlo Orsen Bergh 6 June 1918 - 21 Sept 2002; hus. of Dorothy Hazel Goldstrand; son of John O. and Olga Hoven Bergh; father of Arlene (Ronald) Curtis, baby girl, John (Deborah Gatheridge and Sharon ?), Orlin (Sherry ?), Loann (Pat) Misson; Lot 21-B

Dorothy Hazel Goldstrand Bergh 24 Oct 1921 - 7 Aug 2002; wife of Arlo Orsen Bergh; dau. of Ambrose and Mary Coffield Goldstrand; mother of Arlene (Ronald) Curtis, baby girl, John (Deborah Gatheridge and Sharon ?), Orlin (Sherry ?), Loann (Pat) Misson; Lot 21-B

Catherine Donneral Bernath 24 June 1842 - 16 July 1914; wife of George Bernath Sr.; dau. of Nicholas and Margaret Catherine Donneral; mother of John (Sarah Nolte and Jessie A. Doig), Salome (John 'Jack') Adams, Margaret (James A.) Thompson, George Jr. (Ellen Raynard), Julie Ann (Charles Henry) Hart, Albertina (Charles) Oakes, Daniel T., Barbara Ellen (James) Brown, Mary (Arthur) Hart, Jacob 'J.J.' (Nellie Elizabeth Brown); Lot 31-A

NOTE from author: deleted about 12 pages here for example purposes

Florence Ryan Sherman 31 Dec 1889 - 13 Sept 1970; wife of Carl Sherman; dau. of Joseph 'Joe' Richard and Sarah Jenkins Ryan; mother of Florence Sarah; Lot ?

Florence Sarah Charlotte Sherman 19 Nov 1911 - 20 Nov 1911; dau. of Carl and Florence Ryan Sherman; Lot 18-D

Gail S. Short 1 Aug 1895 - 23 March 1958; 1^st hus. of Liza A. Stranger; son of James William and
Caroline Foster Springer Short; father of Jeanne; Lot 50-C

Gordon Leo Short 14 March 1919 - 8 Aug 2001; hus. of Harriet Fitzpatrick; son of Homer Lyle and Bertha 'Bergit' Vera Sannes Short; father of Sharon (Bill) Hannaford, Betty (Bill) Thorsvig, Patricia 'Trish' (Thomas) Lewis; Lot 16-F

baby boy Skjold 30 Dec 1943 - 30 Dec 1943; son of John and Hazel Bernice Gradwell Skjold; Lot 37-A

baby girl Smidt June 1898 - 11 Aug 1898; dau. of Henry Smidt

Margaret Sorem 1872 - Sept 1943; wife of ? Sorem; Lot ?

Eva Sorgenfay 1905 - 23 July 1941; wife of Fred Sorgenfay; Lot 67-A

Evelyn 'Ellen' Mary Cridland Stacy 7 Dec 1875 - 9 April 1904; wife of James. W. Stacey; d. of ? Cridland; Lot 36-D

Percival 'Percy' Bernard Stacy 16 Sept 1901 - 29 June 1917; son of James W. and Evelyn Mary Cridland Stacey; Lot 36-D

Stanley Edward Stacy 22 July 1903 - 23 June 1904; son of James W. and Evelin Mary Cridland Stacey; Lot 36-D

Lottie May Matthew Stoltz 1875 - May 1938; wife of Ralph Henry Stoltz; dau. of Lousiea Matthew; mother of Wilfred Ralph; Lot 65 A

Ralph Henry Stoltz 1885 - Nov 1962; hus. of Lottie M. Matthew; son of ?; father of Wilfred Ralph; Lot 65-A

baby boy Stranger 29 Dec 1906 - 31 Dec 1906; son of Joseph and Della LaRoque Stranger; Lot 2-C

Charles Clarence Stranger 1908 - 14 Nov 1941; son of Joseph 'Joe' and Delma 'Della' LaRoque Stranger; Lot 49-C

Delma 'Della' LaRoque Stranger 10 Dec 1884 - 20 July 1979; wife of Joseph 'Joe' Stranger; dau. of Charles Alexander and Julia LaDouceur LaRoque; mother of Eliza 'Liza' (Gail) Short and (Fred) Kupcho, Christine (?) Schaefer, Charles Clarence, Fred J.; Lot 49-C

Eliza B. Stranger ? - 20 Jan 1901; is she the dau. of Joseph 'Joe' and Delma 'Della' LaRoque Stranger?; Lot ?

Frank Stranger 24 March 1913 - 25 March 1913; son of Joseph and Della LaRoque Stranger; Lot 1-C

James Stranger 1840 - 30 Nov 1921; is he the hus. of Rose and the father of Joseph, Peter Stranger?; Lot 1-C

Joseph 'Joe' Stranger 17 May 1877 - 20 Dec 1950; hus. of Delma 'Della' LaRoque; son of ?; father of Eliza 'Liza' (Gail) Short and (Fred) Kupcho, Christine (?) Schaefer, Charles Clarence, Fred J.; Lot 2-C

Peter Stranger 1877 - 8 March 1902; Lot 2-C

Rose Stranger 1857 - 28 Feb 1931; Lot 2-C

Dorothy E. Easter Surface 1 Oct 1925 - 7 Oct 2004; wife of Wilmer E. Surface; dau. of William Garfield and Florence Muriel Clinton Easter; mother of Charles (Danna Gayer), Peggy (Willis) Roberts, Pamela (Duane) Giffen; Lot 6-B

Wilmer E. Surface 6 May 1920 - 30 Jan 1998; TEC 5 US ARMY WW II; hus. of Dorothy Easter; son of ?; father of Charles (Danna Gayer), Peggy (Willis) Roberts, Pamela (Duane) Giffen; Lot 6-B

Edwin 'George' Sylvester 3 Jan 1909 - 24 March 1994; hus. of Ida Dorothy Ash; son of Richard T. and Hannah E. Thomson Sylvester; father of Jean, James, Jeffrey; Lot 11-F

Ida Dorothy Ash Sylvester 16 Feb 1915 - 9 May 1968; wife of Edwin 'Geroge' Sylvester; dau. of William and Carrie Amanda Cederholm Ash; mother of Jean, James, Jeffrey; Lot 11-F

baby Symington 1966 - 1966; child of William and Betty Symington; Lot 6-F

baby boy Symington 21 Oct 1967 - 21 Oct 1967; son of William and Betty Symington; Lot 6-F

Donna Belle Jensen Symington 27 May 1924 - 12 Feb 1960; 1st wife of Garth Hughes Symington; dau. of Carl H. Jensen; mother of Garth Jr., Joan Lee, Linda, Tom, Edward; Lot 3-F

Garth Hughes Symington 2 Sept 1919 - 6 Jan 1978; hus. of Donna Belle Jensen and Hazel Isabel Langrell; son of Lyle and Ida Hughes Symington; father of Garth Jr., Joan Lee, Linda, Tom, Edward, Elaine, Mark, Ruth Ann, Esther; Lot 3-F

Joan Lee Symington 3 June 1947 - 12 Dec 1949; dau. of Garth Hughes and Donna Belle Jensen Symington; Lot 3-F

Herb Synder May 1887 - Aug 1900; Lot 62-D

baby girl Thedorf 23 Oct 1904 - 23 Oct 1904; dau. of William and Dorothy Matilda Cridland Thedorf; Lot 63-D

Christopher 'Chris' Thedorf 1843 - 9 Feb 1934; hus. of Sophia Kinse; son of ?; father of William (Dorothy Cridland), Mary, Mathilda, Christopher; Lot 63-D

Dorothy Matilda Cridland Thedorf 1883 - Sept 1965; wife of William Thedorf; dau. of William and Elizabeth Ann Cridland; mother of Doris May, baby girl, Blanch, baby boy, Howard Ross, Marjorie Ann, Flodie Sophia; Lot 63-D

Mathilda Thedorf Sept 1880 - 10 May 1897; dau. of Christopher and Sophie Kinse Thedorf; Lot 63-D

Sophie Kinse Thedorf 1846 - 9 Sept 1931; wife of Christopher 'Christ' Theodorf; dau. of ? Kinse; mother of William (Dorothy Cridland), Mary E., Mathilda, Christopher; Lot 63/64-D

William Thedorf 1873 - 25 Oct 1922; hus. of Dorothy Matilda Cridland; son of ?; father of Doris May, baby girl, Blanch, baby boy, Howard Ross, Marjorie Ann, Flodie Sophia; Lot 63-D

James 'Jimmy' Erick Towner 23 April 1944 - 11 July 1947; son of William and Cecelia Gosselin/Gooselaw Towner; Lot ?

Gordon Charles Turner 14 July 1922 - 3 June 1998; US NAVY WW II; hus. of Elva Ruth Fraley; son of Robert 'Jack' J. and Anne Kothe Turner; father of Jerry, John, Linda; Lot 5-B

Leslie James Turner 25 Nov 1943 - 9 Jan 1944 ; son of Lester John and Marie Anne Parenteau Turner; Lot 62-A

Lester John Turner 24 Aug 1914 - 13 April 1966; hus. of Marie Anne Parenteau - son of Robert 'Jack' J. and Anne Kothe Turner - father of Vaughn, Larry, Robert, Leslie James, Richard, Faye Ann, Judith, Diane Marie, twin girls who died at birth; Lot 62-A

Robert 'Dale' Turner 8 June 1927 - 25 July 1987; PFC US ARMY KOREA; son of Robert 'Jack' J. and Anne Kothe Turner; Lot 5-B

Robert Stanley Turner Aug 1899 - 8 Oct 1899; son of ?

Franklin 'Frank' Thomas Twamley 3 March 1888 - 26 Aug 1957; hus. of Mary Ellen Munro; son of Peter and Mary E. Gillas Twamley; father of Eileen (Harold) Rolsch, Doreen (Howard) Hughes, Mary Ellen (Elmer) Umland, Ivan Peter (Avis Hennisson); Lot 33-D

Ivan Peter Twamley 16 March 1920 - 15 Oct 1958; MN TECH US ARMY WW II; hus. of Avis Marie Hennisson; son of Franklin 'Frank' Thomas and Mary Ellen Munro Twamley; father of David; Lot 2-E

Mary Ellen Munro Twamley 28 Feb 1887 - 31 July 1958; wife of Franklin 'Frank' Thomas Twamley; dau. of Peter and Lucetta Clow Munro; mother of Eileen (Harold) Rolsch, Doreen (Howard) Hughes, Mary Ellen (Elmer) Umland, Ivan Peter (Avis Hennisson); Lot 33 D

Faith Peterson Waldrop 17 Oct 1939 - 18 Nov 1996; wife of Garnet Waldrop; dau. of Carl B. II and Geneva Howe Peterson; mother of Jennifer (Brian) Hanson, Daniel, Gabrielle (Rico) Boursaw; Lot 32 C

Garnet Waldrop 20 May 1929 - 1 March 1993; hus. of Faith Pederson; son of Ernest and Melissa Woods Waldrop; father of Jennifer (Brian) Hanson, Daniel, Gabrielle (Rico) Boursaw; Lot 32 C

Henrietta Franks Walker 21 April 1863 - 21 Jan 1938; wife of James Walker; d. of unknown Franks; mother of Milton, Elva, Beatrice, Vivian; Lot 27-A

James Walker June 1857 - 11 Oct 1933; hus. of Henrietta Franks; son of ?; father of Milton, Elva, Beatrice, Vivian; Lot 27-A

unknown Walker 1862 - Jan 1938; wife of Kenneth Frank Walker; Lot 27-A

Vivian M. Walker 31 March 1887 - 14 July 1969; son of James and Henrietta Franks Walker; Lot 27-A

Calvin John Webster 6 March 1919 - 25 Dec 1962; MN PVT CO K 4 INFANTRY WW II; son of John 'Jack' and Lena Ash Webster; Lot 32-A

Catherine Webster 13 Jan 1874 - 29 Feb 1960; wife of James Webster; dau. of Gilbert McDougall; Lot 54-A

Lena Ash Webster 7 Dec 1887 - 8 May 1974; wife of John 'Jack' Webster; dau. of George and Salomey Dunneral Ash; mother of Iona (Alfred) Schultz, Vernon 'Roy' (?), Calvin John; Lot 21-A

James Webster 7 Oct 1855 - 13 March 1918; hus. of Catherine; son of ?; Lot 54-A

Jean Yvonne Anderson Webster 11 July 1933 - 2 Feb 2002; wife of Rodney Walter Webster; dau. of Harry and Viola Allen Anderson; mother of Gary, Julie, Lori (Mark) Ellison; Lot 20-E

John 'Jack' Webster 15 June 1882 - 20 Dec 1946; hus. of Lena Ash; son of ?; father of Iona (Alfred) Schultz, Vernon 'Roy' (?), Calvin John; Lot 21-A

Peter Young Webster 15 Dec1885 - June 1966; hus. of Mabel ?; Lot 43-A

Vernon 'Roy' Webster 2 July 1928 - 19 Feb 2001; hus. of Vera Greer; son of John 'Jack' and Lena Ash Webster; father of Rob (Carolyn) Webster Guyot, Scott Webster Guyot; Lot 21-A

Bessie Jane McIlraith Wilkie 1 Jan 1923 - 3 May 1993; wife of William H. Wilkie; dau. of Fredrick 'Fred' and Lillian Christina Hokanson/Hawkins McIlraith; father of William 'Bill' Fredrick, James Scott, John Thomas (Susan Christensen), Gary Alan (Kathy Easter); Lot 19-E

William Henry Wilkie 13 Oct 1921 - 18 June 1989; PFC US ARMY WW II; hus. of Bessie Jane McIlraith; son of William and Hattie White Wilkie; father of William 'Bill' Fredrick, James Scott, John Thomas (Susan Christensen), Gary Alan (Kathy Easter); Lot 19-E

baby Wold 30 Sept 1943 - 30 Sept 1943; child of Lester Kermit and Eva Elizabeth Parenteau Wold; Lot 38-C

baby boy Wold 1 May 1937 - 1 May 1937; son of Lester Kermit and Eva Elizabeth Parenteau Wold; Lot 38-C

Eva Elizabeth Parenteau Wold 17 Sept 1907 - 16 May 1985; wife of Lester Kermit Wold; dau. of Moser and Angeline Jerome Parenteau; mother of Patricia 'Patsy' Ann, Rita (George) Arin, baby boy, Lester James, Angela, baby Wold, Henry Mark (Diane Applin), Elizabeth (Darrel) Dahlberg, Michael, Robert 'Bob' (Heidi Kruger); Lot 38-C

Henry Mark Wold 26 July 1942 - 14 Nov 1997; hus. of Diane Joyce Applin; son of Lester Kermit and Eva Elizabeth Parenteau Wold; father of Michelle (?) Walton; Lot ?

Lester Kermit Wold 13 June 1910 - 18 July 1970; hus. of Eva Elizabeth Parenteau; son of Olaf and Mary Iverson Wold; father of Patricia 'Patsy' Ann, Rita (George) Arin, baby boy, Lester James, Angela, baby Wold, Henry Mark (Diane Applin), Elizabeth (Darrel) Dahlberg, Michael, Robert 'Bob' (Heidi Kruger); Lot 38-C

Patricia 'Patsy' Ann Wold 15 June 1935 - 19 Oct 1936; dau. of Lester Kermit and Eva Elizabeth Parenteau Wold; Lot 38-C

Old Highway 81

Red line shows route of Old Highway 81

Highway 81 as it was prior to the Interstate age, was the main highway through the Pembina area, the North Dakota 'twin' to Minnesota's Highway 75, as Pembina was the twin to St. Vincent, in a manner of speaking.

I often heard the term "Old Highway 81" used in passing, by my parents and other older residents of the area, growing up. I caught on that part of it was the road that went into an area I never knew that well (not knowing anyone that lived there) called South Pembina. South Pembina was the area south of Pembina proper, across the Pembina River. It was where the old museum was, and where the park, baseball field, and grandstand still are.

However, there was a lot more in South Pembina at one time.

Customs Stories I

From Clarence Bingham comes this story of life as a Customs Officer back in 1950s Pembina (and surrounding area...)

I went to work for the U. S. Customs at Pembina in December 1949, so did not get over to the Noyes depot much after that.

All the old Customs Border Patrol officers had a story or two about inspection experiences while examining the special trains chartered to return members of "that fraternal organization" from the convention in Winnipeg during prohibition. One that Lester Eddington¹ told is that they started a rumor in the Winnipeg depot that you could successfully smuggle your liquor into the U.S. by hanging it out the coach windows on a string when the train got to Noyes, until the inspector went through the coach and checked your luggage. When the train got to Noyes the Customs officers walked down the outside of the train and cut the strings holding the bottles. Les said It was easier than looking for it in the luggage and saved the paper work of assessing a fine, because you did not know who it belonged to.





I spent a lot of nights and days in the car with Les during the Selkirk Wheat smuggling in 1952-53. I am sorry it was before the days of small tape recorders or I could have a wealth of border lore...

- From C.L. Bingham, aka Bing







¹ - Police cars, like police work, have changed considerably over the years. Few of the early-day police cars were given insignias identifying their purpose. An early-day North Dakota federal officer, Lester Eddington, wrote in his autobiography, "...we did not wear uniforms, just carried Customs caps to use while stopping cars." Because of this, stopping cars was not easy; many times the officer would pull alongside the offending vehicle and display his badge to tell the driver to pull over. Even more dangerous was the practice of stepping out into the lane of traffic to hold one's hand in the air, ordering the offender to stop. - From The History of Mopar Squads: Chrysler, Dodge, and Plymouth police cars

Expatriate Contact

I heard from another expatriate of our area a few days ago. His name is Clarence L. Bingham. As many do, he found my website serendipitously, reading the post about Dick Lapp, who he knew and - you'll read below - worked with...

A great blog. I went to work for Railway Express at the Noyes depot in January 1949. Scottie and I lived upstairs in the Fitzpatrick house in Pembina. In late 1949 I started work with U. S. Customs, assuming Dick Lapp's job as supply and seizure clerk when he was promoted to liquidator.

I asked him if the Fitzpatrick home he stayed at was perhaps my great uncle Richard Fitzpatrick's home, and who was Scottie? He replied...

Yes, a big brick home just south of the hotel. We called him Dick and I cannot at the moment think of Mrs. Fitzpatrick's name. He was depot agent for the GN at St.Vincent.

Scottie was Mary Helen Scott Bingham. My wife of 59 odd years, who died in 2007 here in Oregon. We were married January 22, 1949 at Muscoda, WI. Took the train a couple days later to Noyes, MN. where I had taken a job with Railway Expess. I had heard of the job through my uncle Sheldon Joyner,who was depot agent at Noyes for both the GN and Soo Line. Our office was in the north (cold) end of the depot, so was acquainted with all of the section hands and depot clerks. C. L. Bingham

Pembina County at 150: Historical Automobile Dealers

Where Have All The Car Dealers Gone?
by Jim Benjaminson


Gregory Ford's announcement last week that they are giving up their Ford Motor Company franchise after 58 years of sales brings to a close a long history of Ford sales in Cavalier —stretching all the way back to 1906. As Gregory's fold their tent for new car sales, Pembina County is left with just two automobile retailers – Soeby Motors (also Ford dealers) in Walhalla and the recently opened Birchwood Motors (GM dealers) in Cavalier.

Several years ago, the late Maxine (Fiedler) Least approached me during the annual Pioneer Machinery Show at the Pembina County Museum and asked if I had ever compiled a list of the implement dealers that had done business in Pembina County. Maxine's father was one of the principals in Fiedler & Moe, a John Deere agency in Cavalier. I had to admit that I hadn't but since our conversation I've made it a practice to note the names of various automobile and implement dealers—a random collection of notes that is far from complete – but continues to grow. The automobile and farm equipment business has changed over these past 111 years. In the old days nearly every community had an “agent” selling the latest car or tractor of some sort. In memory of Maxine and all those who have been involved in selling cars, trucks, tractors and motorcycles here is an incomplete history.


Pembina County's first Ford agency was granted to James Lang of Cavalier in 1906. His appointment named him “agent for Pembina County”. The first Fords sold, three identical 14-horsepower Model N “Light Tourings” arrived by rail in Cavalier that March and were sold to merchants D. E. Schweitzer, Charles Burgess and banker Ed Stong. They were not, however, the first automobiles sold in Cavalier but were the seventh, eighth and ninth automobiles in the city. Two years later (the same year the Model T Ford debuted) Lang and business partner Thomas G. McConnell formed the “Cavalier Garage & Automobile Company”, doing business out of a large brick building on the corner of East Main and Division Streets. Their business announcement stated they would continue selling Fords and “other favorite autos” in addition to handling “auto fixtures and supplies” and “do all kinds of repairing” plus add an “auto livery business”.

James Lang has the distinction of placing the first ad for an automobile in the Cavalier Chronicle in the June 26, 1908 issue. Found on page 4 the ad featured a line drawing of two Ford runabouts – the ad ran for the next six issues without change. Lang also gets credit for placing the second automobile ad in the paper, beginning with the March 19, 1909 issue, advertising both a $500 Maxwell and an $850 Ford, this ad running for twelve weeks. Lang was a busy man as he, along with partner George Horn, started the Cavalier electric light plant. By 1916 the local Ford dealership was taken over by G. A. Westline and Peter Freschett. Two years later Westline and Freschett were out of the Ford business, being replaced by Akra's Thorwaldson Brothers who would run the business until the mid 1930's, Westline took on the Essex line in 1919 while Freschette later picked up Pontiac and Oakland.

Trivia [answers at bottom]

• How many automobiles were in Cavalier in 1905?
• What year did the new hotel in Glasston open? 
• What year did Cavalier remove the hitching posts from Main Street?

Following the end of World War Two S & T Motors opened a Ford agency in Cavalier on September 18, 1946. Owned by Bob Tomlinson of Devils Lake and Clarence Smerud of Minneapolis, a new brick building was built to house their facilities. Tomlinson soon left the business which operated until 1958 when Mr. Smerud passed away unexpectedly. The agency was then sold to Oliver Gregory who took over the business April 1st, 1959. A new dealership facility was built on the south of edge of Cavalier, opening in 1962 where the business is still located.

Soeby Ford of Walhalla, which can proudly claim the distinction of being the oldest dealership in Pembina County traces its roots back to 1926 when C. K. Soeby acquired the Oakland and Pontiac car and International truck franchise. C. K. Soeby became a Ford dealer in 1930, passing the business along to his son Jack in 1948 who in turn passed it on to his sons in 1986. Another long time Walhalla dealer was A. O. Tetrault, whose Walhalla Motor Company held the Ford franchise in 1926, a year that would see a first in the delivery of new Fords when the first load of “completely built up” Ford cars arrived—previously dealers had to install items such as lights, wheels, tires and fenders before delivery could be made to a retail customer.

Harold Morrison and Freeman Levi built a new building “two blocks south of the post office” under the name of Cavalier Implement, selling Case farm equipment in May of 1944. By 1952 they added the Pontiac and Willys line of automobiles using the business name Cavalier Motor & Implement. Discontinuing selling farm equipment and moving to a new location on the west edge of Cavalier the new building was lost to fire Christmas Eve, 1959. Rebuilding on the same spot and re-named Cavalier Motors, it had the distinction of being named “Studebaker's newest dealer” in 1960. The business, which continued to sell Pontiac, was sold to Olson Motors in 1962. Down the street, Page Oil Company, which had been selling Oldsmobiles since 1941, took on the Rambler line in time to introduce the 1959 models.

Like S & T Motors several other dealerships were opened in Cavalier following WWII. Melsted-Olson Motors built a new brick building one block further south of the new S & T building, selling Chevrolet cars and trucks as well as Massey-Harris farm equipment. Kuball & Andrews, which had been in operation since before the war (Ole Andrews having been a Chrysler dealer since 1927), continued to sell Dodge and Plymouth cars in addition to Lehr's “Big Boy” tractors. Utilizing a Chrysler engine, Dodge truck 5-speed transmission and 2 speed differential, the “Big Boy” sold for $2,136 in 1948 and had a “road gear” good for 22 miles per hour. Letzring Motor & Implement which had previously sold Hudson and Terraplanes in Neche was also selling Chrysler products along with Allis-Chalmers tractors in Cavalier. Kuball's sold the Dodge-Plymouth agency to Erwin Herzog in May of 1956. Twenty years later Erwin sold the business to his son Tim, who later sold the business to Swanson Motors in September of 1999. Jack McPherson began selling Kaiser automobiles in 1950 and its companion compact car Henry J in 1952. A post war start-up company, Kaiser-Fraser dealers also included Andre Gratton at Walhalla and Hughes & Shaver at St. Thomas.


Auto and implement dealers weren't just centered in the larger towns of the county. Robert Halcrow, whose address was Nowesta, was an agent for the Lambert automobile in 1913; he is noted as having “brought a cow to town in a box wagon behind his auto”. It's claimed he made the eleven mile trip to town “in one hour and went home considerably faster”. In later years Halcrow Ford would be one of Drayton's leading automobile dealers. Drayton's early pioneer car dealer R. J. Moore began handling the E-M-F line in 1912 - named after the three principals of the company, Everitt, Metzger and Flanders - detractors claimed the initials stood for “Every Man's Failure” or “Every Morning Fixit”. It was later absorbed by Studebaker.

Over at Hamilton C. A. Morton's Auto Livery advertised they were agents for the Vulcan, Buick and Marathon brands and had “one 25-horsepower Marathon touring car used a little for demonstrating which will sell at a nice reduction." Any of the cars on hand could be bought “on one years time with first-class security at 7 percent interest.” By 1921 E. K. Evenson was selling Fords at both Hamilton and Neche. H. C. Thomson of Bowesmont was also selling the popular Ford line. George Paxman had been the Hamilton Ford agent as well as the Overland and Willys-Knight dealer. A disastrous fire July 7, 1918 destroyed the Paxman building but 5 new Overland cars were saved. At Hensel, H. J. Norman & Son were also selling Fords while Graham & Ross sold Republic trucks. In later years Frank Gillis would handle the International line in Hensel, eventually selling out to Art Anderson. Other International dealers included Glenn Morrison in Cavalier, and Neche Farm Equipment in that city.

Crystal's Bradley & Hunter were sales agent for the Racine, Wisconsin built Mitchell in 1912 while the Crystal Auto Company was selling Hudsons by the car load, adding the Studebaker line in 1917 and Essex, Overland and Willys Knight two years later. A man by the name of Bymaster later took over the Crystal Mitchell agency. G. G. Thompson of Pembina was also selling Mitchell's in 1912, with his territory carrying over to St. Vincent, Minnesota. By 1915 Thompson was a Maxwell dealer. At Mountain S. F. Steinolfson was selling Ford's while G. M. Benjaminson (his name was always misspelled as C. M. Benjaminson in newspaper ads) was selling Pontiac's and Oakland's in Gardar. Peter Freschette, earlier Cavalier's Ford dealer also took on the Pontiac-Oakland line in 1927.

As small town America dwindled several dealerships continued to run successful businesses. Louis Byron Motors sold Pontiacs after the war and were long-time Chrysler-Plymouth dealers in Mountain. Likewise, Dietrich Motors in Crystal sold DeSoto's and Plymouths while Christopher Motors at Pembina, which dated back to the 1920's sold Chevrolets well into the 1960's.

Among the more noted implement dealers have been Cavalier's Fiedler & Moe (John-Deere), Pembina's Meagher Brothers (Massey-Harris), Glenn Morrison (International Harvester), Hamilton's Frank White & Ernest Einarson (Minneapolis-Moline), and J. J. Myers, Mountain (Holt combines).

At least three Pembina County residents saw the demand for motorcycles, with B. S. Thorwaldson of Akra (a partner in Thorwaldson Brothers at Cavalier) selling the 11-horsepower Harley-Davidson Twin, Martin Brothers of Hamilton handling the Indian line (ride it to work and ride it for fun) and Svold's August Vivatson offering Wagner Motorcycles at prices ranging from $160 to $200.

There was always something special about going to “show day” - when the new models were introduced to the public. Coffee, doughnuts, trinkets, colorful brochures and new cars. What could be better? Sadly there's not as many places to go anymore.

Trivia answers

5

1904

1905

School Days

This is a snapshot taken during the school year 1925/26, of the 7th & 8th grade classes, on the steps of the St. Vincent School.


Names of students in photograph are:

Jean Gamble (far left, front row), Jean Fleming, Vera Rustad, and Alberta Fitzpatrick *(far right, front row)
Jane Scott, Eileen Twamley, Fred Stranger
Clarence Dorian, Warren Griffith, Dan Hutchins, Raymond Scrimshaw
Neill "Bo" Gamble (Jean's brother), Allen Smith
Merlin Twamley, Norton DeFrance, James Bernath, Brooks Perry, Manuel Gooselaw
Cecil & John Smith

The photo was shared with me by Barbara (Maloney) Sitar. Her mother was Margaret "Jean" (Gamble) Maloney; Jean's parents were William Gamble and Lillie Maud (Griffith) Gamble. Through her grandmother, Barbara is therefore also related to the Griffith family. Both the Gambles and Griffiths were early settlers to the town.

Barbara shared this with me...

My mother was born in 1914, attended school and church [in St. Vincent.] Her mother, Lillie Maud Griffith Gamble died when my mom was around 14 years old. At some point after that, my grandfather moved from the farm in St. Vincent to Hallock where they lived. I think he lost the farm and took a job with the railroad.

* Alberta, otherwise known as Pat, is my mother Harriet's older sister, and my aunt...

Les Eddington: An Autobiography

Here is a photo of William Henneberry (left) and Lester Eddington standing by Henneberry's bullet-riddled Paige after the encounter with the Winnipeg bank robbers (August, 1928) - Hey, Chicago wasn't the only place with some serious Action!

One thing leads to another...I'm getting contacted by more old-timer Customs Agents, and wow do they have stories to tell!

Customs Trivia: Did you know that for nearly 125 years, from the formation of our country - prior to personal income tax implementation - that Customs funded virtually the entire government, and paid for the nation's early growth and infrastructure?

Jim Benjaminson (see below) is trying to get permission from the family of one of those men, to allow us to share more of Les' story here. For now, below is what Jim can tell us, just to whet your appetite...

Lester Eddington had a welding shop in Neche and joined the Customs & Border Patrol in 1925, serving until 1956. There were several employment changes as various government agencies took control, so Les was in most of them. When he retired, one of his supervisors told him he should write a book about his adventures. Which he did...it was never published and I have one of the few copies not in the hands of the family. The original text was 116 pages of typewritten, legal-size paper, single spaced!

When I was a kid growing up, he'd always tell stories and then relate that the story was in his book. He would then proceed to pull out the manuscript, find the page the story was on and that would be the only part of the book he would allow me to read. In later years, Garnett (Les' son) spirited the manuscript to me so I could read all of it.

About 20 years ago or so, I asked Lester to allow me to reprint one of his stories for the North Dakota Peace Officer magazine. I took the manuscript and transcribed it onto computer disc (a VERY early Mac system). I also did research about the story to provide a prologue and epilogue to the story. When he saw the story in print he asked me to put it all on computer disc.

As I stated, it has never been published. Its working title is My Experiences While In The Government Service. The only hand-written part of the book was the last page - in which Lester dedicated it to three people - Judson LaMoure (his boss), to Dave Elves (who he worked with at Sarles) and "...last but not least, the late Art Gould, Winnipeg, Manitoba, the greatest liquor runner that ever crossed the International Boundary in this District."

The story I wrote about (using Les' main text as the body) for North Dakota Peace Officer related the story of a robbery that took place in Winnipeg in August of 1928. A bank messenger was held up on the street near one of the banks--the bandits made their escape back towards the USA. They crossed the border in the Mowbray/Maida area with Les and William Henneberry in hot pursuit. Somewhere between Langdon and Lakota the bad guys made a stand and shot up the pursuing car (an unmarked vehicle). Lester was driving...one slug came through the windshield, hit the steering wheel and struck Les in the stomach. It wasn't a serious injury. The only thing that saved their lives that day was the bad guys saw the badge on Lester's belt - saw he was a federal officer and backed off. Long story short - the bad guys were never found. And Lester had the slug mounted as a watch fob!

I have extra copies of the ND Peace Officer magazine with that story, if you'd like me to mail you a copy. I also have photos of the shot up car with Lester and Henneberry standing beside it.

As for the text of the book, I'll have to get permission from the family. Like I say, I think I have the only non-family member copy in existence. I can't release it without getting their o.k. The book also relates many adventures, many in the Sarles, Hannah, Maida, Mowbray¹ area as that was Lester's first post. He spent the last years of his career at Pembina.

PS - I glanced at your blog. And I know Chuck Walker.

Back in 1976 I did research for a booklet for the Pembina County Sheriffs Office, documenting all of the county sheriffs from 1867 to the present (Glenn Wells was sheriff then - he was later my boss when I worked for Pembina County SO 1977-1979). I took it upon myself to try and find photos of all the sheriffs at which I was mostly successful....I think I missed 5, Charley Brown being one of them. I also missed one sheriff for the list (William Truemner) that I discovered while doing other research many years later.

I do have a file called "Murder and Mayhem in Pembina County" and I probably have references to various incidents that occurred in the early Pembina/St. Vincent days. I have details on the Pembina post office shooting (that was also in ND Peace Officer)......Charlie and I have discussed this at times in the past, regarding the outlaw that was killed...

Just glancing at the blog I'm wondering how much of the story/dialog Charlie made up regarding Charley Brown???

Jim also wrote an article from which this is taken:

Police cars, like police work, have changed considerably over the years. Few of the early-day police cars were given insignias identifying their purpose. An early-day North Dakota federal officer, Lester Eddington, wrote in his autobiography, "...we did not wear uniforms, just carried Customs caps to use while stopping cars." Because of this, stopping cars was not easy; many times the officer would pull alongside the offending vehicle and display his badge to tell the driver to pull over. Even more dangerous was the practice of stepping out into the lane of traffic to hold one's hand in the air, ordering the offender to stop.

Clarence Bingham told me this about Les:

Yes, I knew and worked with Lester Eddington for a year or more during 1951 - 52. I did not know that Les wrote an autobiography, but it doesn't surprise me. His wife's name was Milicent. Their daughter (June) married Allen Henneman from Pembina.

Lester and his partner were in a chase and shoot out with a car load of bank robbers out in the Maida - Hannah area of the border during the early 1930s. Les had a bullet on his watch chain that he claimed came through the front of their patrol car and lodged between his long underwear and his stomach. He thought for sure he had been shot, because the slug was burning him...He lived and farmed near [Cavalier] after retiring from Customs.

¹ - I Remember When...the Birth and Death of a Prairie Town, By John J. Elias

There are several factors that caused towns to spring up, grow and thrive for a number of years, only to fall into decay and finally disappear completely. At times some group of interested people took the pains to erect some memorial to remind the passerby that a town once existed there. Why it came into existence in the first place depended on physical features but most prairie towns were planted because the railways deliberately placed them there by building a station on the location. The railways spaced them about eight miles apart since that was roughly the distance a settler would travel from home to town and back in a day with a load of grain or just to go shopping.

Nelsonville was the big town before the coming of the railway, situated about ten miles northwest of Morden. It had the land titles office, a NWMP detachment, gristmill, stores, church and community hall. It was certain the CPR would pass through it.

Mountain City, south of Morden, also was a thriving village. It too had high hopes that it would be selected by the railway. Nevertheless, the railway always kept secret where it would go and located towns where it suited and benefited the railway most. The track was laid between the two towns and Morden received a station. In two years, both Nelsonville and Mountain City disappeared. Only a stone now reminds us of the existence of a previous thriving community.

The histories of many prairie towns are very similar; only the names are different. For this reason I’ll take the town of Mowbray as an example since I became acquainted with it when it still was a healthy hamlet. Provincial Road 201 passes through it. Since it is the only east-west road between the Pembina River and the Canadian-U.S. border we traveled through there many times since 1941, the year I started farming together with my wife, Esther.

Since we became acquainted with Archie and Lily Scott, we learned much about the early history of the area and the town. They presented us with a small booklet that gives a short history of the first settlers. There is no point in giving a lot of names since they are all unknown to anyone but those who have long passed away. It is enough to record that the first settlers arrived in 1880.

The Andrew Johnstones settled where the Scotts now lived. A crude log cabin not far from the Scotts was their first home. Archie took us to the building one day. The west end of the house was the first post office and served as such for over 20 years. When Andrew died, Mrs. Johnstone continued the service till Mowbray was formed.

As more and more families settled in the district, the time came when a school was needed. The school was northeast of the present Scott home. This was the school that Archie and Lily attended. Most teachers taught for only one year. By the end of the year some promising young bachelor had won the heart of the young lady teacher and soon they added to the school population.

As the district filled up, the CPR extended the railway from Snowflake to Windygates. In 1904 they erected a station and Mowbray came into being. Elevators, a store, lumber yard, blacksmith shop and hotel soon followed. The two-story school was built, but only the first floor was used for classes. The upper story was used as a community hall and for church services. Some homes were built.

Just across the boundary the town of Mowbray, North Dakota sprang up and flourished. The two towns in actuality functioned as one town. The Americans sent their children to school in Canada. The biggest customers of the Canadian hotel bar were Americans. The Canadians shopped freely in both Mowbray, Manitoba and Mowbray, North Dakota. The Americans also made good use of the railway.

Some time in the late 1950s the town was almost gone; only the station was left. One day a car parked in front of the station. To satisfy our curiosity we stopped and visited the couple that was sitting outside on the platform. Some children were amusing themselves in the back. The couple was very hospitable and readily acquainted us with the history of the station.

The gentleman, Percy Williams, was the present owner of the station. His parents had arrived in Mowbray in 1927. His father passed away when Percy was a young lad and his mother carried on as the agent as long as the train service continued. In the beginning Mowbray had three passenger trains a day and this was cut down to one train a week. Service ended in 1954 and the mother and Percy left the district. Percy was able to buy the station from the CPR for a nominal price and he kept it in repair. He had already planted trees and shrubs around the property and the family spent the summer weekends there. They claimed they enjoyed driving to Maida for supper and visiting the farmers that were left.

The time came when we no longer found them there. Last summer (2008) a friend and I passed by and noticed a car parked in front of the station. I visited with the couple sitting outside and was told that Percy had died and had sold the station eight years ago. The trees and shrubs were now full grown and the lawns were freshly cut, but I noticed that half the platform had collapsed and the building too showed signs of considerable weathering. Still, it was good to see that the old station was still serving a purpose and had not been abandoned to slow decay.

What then was the main reason for the disappearance of so many prairie towns? The reason may be summed up in one word – transportation. It was the railway that built the towns. When there were no roads or few at best, the passenger trains with the mail car, flourished. When the automobile came along, roads were required. The first road to Winkler had no ditches and the roadbed was lower than the sides. As roads and cars improved, more and more people used the car to go to town, and the passenger trains were empty. Buses replaced the passenger trains and without passenger trains, the railroads were losing money. As a result they discontinued passenger service. In Mowbray the station was closed in 1954. The rails were salvaged and soon Mowbray disappeared.

As roads were improved and main highways paved, cars and trucks took over transportation. More and more branch lines were abandoned and now there is no elevator anymore between Winkler and Killarney. A large stretch has already been dismantled. The track serving Miami has been taken up. As time goes on more and more towns will disappear completely. -FROM Winkler Times article
I Remember When...The Birth and Death of a Prairie Town

First United Stated Dragoons

In the early part of the 19th century, what would later be commonly referred to as the U.S. Cavalry, were known as the U.S. Dragoons.

In 1849, the First United States Dragoons would play a part in our area. According to an introduction to first-hand accounts documented in the book, "Minnesota as Seen By Travellers"...

...Too frequently reports of exploring expeditions are written only by the leaders...It is interesting, therefore, to get an intimate account of one of these expeditions as it appeared to an underling. The writer was a member, very probably a sergeant, of Company D, First United States Dragoons.

The writer had an appealing writing style, with much dry wit and not a little sense of humour; nothing much has changed since that time either, since he often mentioned... mosquitoes! In fact, he wrote:

"Poor hungry things! How would they have been saved from starvation, but for this expedition of ours to the North?"

This recollection is too good simply to refer to, quote from, or even serialize in entire.  Instead I bring to you in-whole, the writings of a Sergeant from Company D, describing their coming up from Fort Snelling to the Pembina/St. Vincent area to survey and establish the U.S. Boundary. I have a hunch you'll find it as fascinating as I have.

Please note that inconsistencies in spelling are from the original, and are left intact on purpose so you can experience how people wrote at this time.  It does not necessarily reflect inferior education, but rather was more common among all levels of society and rank during this time period; in general, English has been and continues to be a rather fluid and fascinating language...but that is a topic for another time!

Also, the spring/summer of 1849 was an unusually cold and wet time period - be aware of these extraordinary conditions as you read this account.

And now, "Canteen Sketches", by an unknown soldier of the ranks...

Unequal Justice: The Metis in O'Donoghue's Raid of 1871

A fascinating chapter of our area's history which I have touched on before, is revisited in this amazing article by Ruth Swan. Some of the minor characters involved included the well-known area family of the Jeromes. You'll learn that there were many complex issues involved, and that those involved (not all, but most of them) had good reasons for doing what they did; there were definitely sympathies by the local Metis community in Pembina/St. Vincent area to what was happening north of them.

Was it wise? Did it really help anything in the end? Well, it's history now - read on for a great story on a small corner of our history, and then you decide...

Unequal justice: The Metis in O'Donoghue's raid of 1871
By Ruth Swan
[Manitoba History. Winnipeg: Spring 2000. Iss. 39; pg. 24, 15 pgs]
Copyright Manitoba Historical Society Spring 2000

We have passed through a frightful crisis and have escaped by the skin of our teeth.... The danger was not from without, but within.... But if 200 French Halfbreeds had joined them on the frontier, we should have had a rough time of it.1

With these words, the Lieutenant-Governor of Manitoba Adams Archibald informed the Prime Minister of Canada, Sir John A. Macdonald, about the attack by a combined force of Irish Americans and Pembina Metis on the Hudson's Bay Company Post at the international border in October of 1871. Most recent historians have dismissed this event as marginal to the mainstream of Canadian history and even Irish and American writers of Fenian history have rarely considered it a true "Fenian" raid; some have even neglected to mention it.2 Although the Fenians provided money to buy rifles and some prominent members of their organization, General John O'Neill, General Thomas Curley of St. Louis, Mo., and Colonel J.J. Donnelly of Utica, New York, answered W.B. O'Donoghue's call for military support, the Fenian Brotherhood did not officially sanction the action.3

Although of different ethnic backgrounds, the Pembina Metis and American Irish had something in common. They shared a Roman Catholic religion and an independent outlook, sharing a minority experience in the British empire. O'Donoghue hoped that by mobilizing the Metis to join the United States he could hurt Great Britain and help the cause of Irish independence. Although he was closely associated with Riel's Provisional Government in the resistance of 1869-70, Riel did not endorse O'Donoghue's attempts to annex the North West to the republic to the south. As Hereward Senior observed: "Riel understood that O'Donoghue was less interested in the welfare of the Metis than in striking a blow against the British Empire." For the sake of simplicity, however, we will call this paper "O'Donoghue's Raid" 4

The question of whether or not this incident should be called a "Fenian Raid" arose because most contemporaries of the raid who reported on it believed that the Fenian organization supported it and because the prominent leaders were Irish-American cavalry officers who were American Civil War veterans.5 The Fenian Brotherhood originated in Ireland in the Irish independence movement as a secret society not sanctioned by the Catholic Church and led by revolutionary James Stephens. It received financial and moral support from the large contingent of Irish immigrants living in the USA. During the American Civil War, many Irish immigrant men joined the army on both sides, acquiring military experience. After the war finished in 1864, many of these experienced veterans were unemployed.6

Since an invasion of Great Britain to liberate Ireland was logistically challenging, the American Fenian Brotherhood decided to invade British territories to the north to strike a symbolic blow against British imperialism. The purpose of these "Fenian Raids" as they were called was not to overthrow the Canadian colonial governments, weak as they were, but to throw Canadian defenders off balance and to engender some propaganda and Irish glory for the independence movement across the Atlantic. Although American politicians did not sanction the invasion of Canada, the strength of the Irish American immigrant vote in the USA meant that it was difficult for Washington diplomats to intervene to prevent the raids before they happened. Thus, despite the fact that the Fenian raids generally amounted to border skirmishes, they caused considerable diplomatic tension between Great Britain and Canada on one side and the USA on the other.7

Between 1866 and 1870, the Fenians launched attacks in New Brunswick, Quebec and Ontario. Most of these were successfully repulsed by combinations of British regular troops and Canadian militia, except for the Battle of Ridgeway in 1866 on the Niagara frontier where General John O'Neill, civil war veteran, staged a successful two-day operation. He then withdrew to Buffalo, having served his goal of undermining Canadian military defences and self-confidence. This same O'Neill turned up in 1871 in Pembina as a supporter of W.B. O'Donoghue.8

W.B. O'Donoghue, 1871.

Although Fenian raids did not always materialize as threatened, the biggest problem for Canadian officials was that the massing of men and arms along the 49th parallel kept the military planners north of the border in a constant state of anxiety and readiness.9 They had to be prepared for attacks and often baseless rumours kept the public and politicians on edge as well.l0 As a result, the diplomatic and propaganda effect of these raids was out of all proportion to their military significance.

The positive and probably unintended result of the Fenians Raids of 1866 was that the fear of Irish-American attacks on Canada encouraged New Brunswick to join Confederation in 1867 and strengthened Canadian patriotism and political support for the new country. Canadian voters saw a strong central government as an asset in defending the "undefended" border.11 Ottawa politicians used the threat of American invasion to promote Canadian patriotism.

Although the raid on Manitoba in 1871 led by W.B. O'Donoghue was not officially sanctioned by the American Fenian Brotherhood, who were disillusioned by the cost and challenge of these border skirmishes, there is no doubt that Canadian officials feared a Fenian attack following the Riel Resistance and blamed the Irish-Americans for providing officers and money for guns and ammunition. Their great fear was that, if the dissatisfied Manitoba Metis supported American annexationists, Manitoba would withdraw from Confederation and join the United States. The combination of Irish American soldiers who hated the British Empire aided by Minnesota and Pembina promoters who coveted new territory along with the bitterness of the Metis was a genuine threat. They knew that it would not take much to set off a dangerous border war. The fear of Canadian officials was realistic, making O'Donoghue's Raid an important threat to Canadian unity, whether it was officially backed by the Fenian Brotherhood or not.

Let us reexamine the details of the Manitoba raid. In the early morning of Thursday, October 5, 1871, Irish-American and Metis attackers crossed into Canadian territory and occupied the Hudson's Bay post on the border. Accounts vary, but Captain Lloyd Wheaton of the U.S. army at Fort Pembina (on the American side) suggested about forty to eighty invaders: They came from the direction of Pembina and were led by O'Donoghue, on horseback; O'Neill, Curley and Donnelly were acting as officers or leaders, O'Neill wearing a sword. Upon arrival at the Dominion Customs House, they demanded its surrender in the name of the Provisional Government of Rupert's Land, entered it and placed a sentinel on the road in front of the house. From thence, they marched to the HBC Trading Post, demanded its surrender in the name of the Provisional Government, etc., and occupied it, and began handling the stores of the Company with a view to their removal."13

George Webster, a courier for Lieutenant-Governor Adams Archibald, observed:

About nine o'clock, the Fenians had at least twenty prisoners as they stopped all those who were not connected with them. One of the prisoners was an American citizen and as he demanded his liberation on that ground, O'Donoghue was afraid to detain him...Mr. Douglas and I had previously instructed him what to do and as soon as he got out of rifle shot of the Fenians, he ran all the way to the U.S. military post and informed Captain Wheaton of the circumstances.14

James J. Hill explained how the American army stopped the invasion:

Either the plunder had too much attraction for them or they thought they could rest on their freshly gained laurels for they remained in the post till 11 o clock when they were surprised by Col. Wheaton and 23 men from Fort Pembina coming down the road in an army ambulance and a four-mule wagon...15

Wheaton captured O'Neill, Curley and Donnelly along with ten men, 94 muskets,11 sabres and 12000 musket-cartridges; and returned to Fort Pembina, D.T. O'Donoghue was picked up by a Metis, bound and turned over to American authorities. The Captain observed:

A number of residents of the town of Pembina and vicinity were in the organization...The greater number were persons apparently of Irish descent and strangers to this vicinity. I am of the opinion that no further raids will take place unless O'Neill, O'Donoghue, Donnelly and Curley are released by the civil authorities.16

After a hearing in Pembina under a government official (with Col. Wheaton as prosecutor), the Fenian leaders were released from custody and left the community. The magistrate had decided that it did not contravene American law to invade Canada.17 A week later, Captain Wheaton reported confidentially to the American consul in Winnipeg, James Wickes Taylor, that:

The whole affair is effectually demolished and the good people of Manitoba can now be free from fear of invasion, rebellion and treason. I am satisfied that, if it had not been for my prompt action and assumption of responsibility, civil war with all its attending crime would now be raging in Manitoba. The Commissioner discharged the prisoners on the ground of "want of jurisdiction".... The evidence of the Canadians who saw O'Donoghue at the head of the defunct organization on horseback with the others acting as leaders or officers would not be heard by the "court".... I did everything in my favour to get the case continued until further evidence could be introduced, but discharge seemed determined upon and discharged they were....There is a lawless and turbulent element in the town of Pembina and they act as if under the influence of bad men who ought to know better than to injure American interests by their foolish course...18

As a result, the Fenians returned home free; O'Neill was temporarily detained in Saint Paul, but again released. O'Neill observed to an American reporter:

As I understand it, there is a good deal of dissatisfaction up there with the British government. The dissatisfaction exists principally among the French half breeds and I believe they are in the majority. The British government has but a very small force in the British territory...There was no invasion at all. There was no Fenian raid. We were not acting as Fenians and had no connection whatever with that organization.

This report was reprinted from the St. Paul Press by the Manitoban of October 23 which observed sarcastically that crimes had been committed: "Good for the Press, but what of the corduroys, and the capots, and the pemican at Pembina Post?"19 The Canadian reporter referred to the theft of goods from the HBC post at Fort Pembina, and was undoubtedly annoyed that these Irish-Americans were not held responsible for any criminal activity whatsoever.

The Red River Valley in 1871

In the meantime, the threatened invasion had caused extreme agitation in Manitoba. Rumours had been circulating for months that the Fenians were coming. In the summer and fall of 1870, local priests reported to Bishop Tache that Riel and O'Donoghue were at odds: Do not worry about the men of St. Joseph, they do not want any part in the trouble. Riel, I find is very reasonable and not wishing any war, which he realizes [would be] bad and filled with consequences not to act, but Pembina people are more to be inclined to troubles. O'Donoghue tried all he can to irritate Riel, who he is trying in his pride to dominate, but Riel also has his pride and will not lists to O'Donoghue.20

The Canadian Government took the issue so seriously, however, that it appointed Gilbert McMicken, head of Canada's "secret police" and an anti-Fenian spy, as Commissioner of Lands n Prime Minister Macdonald sent McMicken at the end of September 1871 to Manitoba to assess the Fenian threat.22 He took the train to Morris, Minnesota, the railway terminal at that time, and then continued by wagon. He gathered intelligence as he went and one of his sources was Bishop A.A. Tache who was travelling east. The Bishop told McMicken that:

The Metis were intensely agitated over the unfulfilled promises of the Government and the harsh and insulting conduct of the more recently arrived Canadians from Ontario. Alluding to the Ontario volunteers who remained behind of [sic] the first expedition as intending settlers, he said they were so hostile and abusive as to invoke severe retaliation, and he feared ere many days [sic] scenes of a deplorable character."

Tache also told McMicken that he had met O'Donoghue the previous evening as he and O'Neill were only slightly ahead of McMicken on the trail to the Red River. O'Donoghue told the Bishop that he was going in with friends to take up homesteads, but he had a "considerable" number of men with him which gave Tache "great anxiety and uneasiness."23 The Bishop distrusted the Irishman, being aware of the rumours of a Fenian attack. McMicken also heard reports that Fenians were being enrolled along the route "wearing badges of green ribbons on their breasts."24 At Macaulayville, Minnesota, across the Red River from the American military post at Fort Abercrombie, McMicken hired an express wagon to carry him day and night so that he could overtake the Fenian contingent and reach Fort Garry ahead of them. Although there were rumours of 1500 men camped along the boundary between Pembina and St. Joseph, a sergeant at Fort Abercrombie reported only about forty with O'Donoghue.25 McMicken's wagon passed the Fenians about midnight, and noted "three were ahead of the wagons as an advance guard, and five were behind them."zb A new driver being a Fenian, he observed that the organizers had made a mistake by not waiting until November as originally planned when the rivers and lakes could not be passed over; now the "Canucks" could send in their soldiers, a prophetic observation.' "Still" he said, "You ll see fun anyhow."28

When McMicken arrived in the Red River Settlement, he made a report to Lieutenant-Governor Archibald and advised him to issue an proclamation, calling on volunteers to repel the Fenians "before the Metis could take to the field". Archibald was reluctant as he feared the French were afraid of retaliation for 1869-70 and the English would not be loyal because they suspected Archibald of being proFrench.' The proclamation was printed on October 3 and immediately various companies of men came forward to protect the settlement, including Metis in the French parishes and all classes in the English parishes. The raid on the HBC Fort Pembina occurred Thursday, October 5, but word did not reach Winnipeg until Saturday, October 7, when The Manitoban, a pro-Government paper, observed: "A company of Frenchmen, numbering upwards of forty, formed in the town, left this afternoon (headed by Captain Plainval) for the front.... Riel, it is said, on good authority, is out against O'Donoghue." A week later, it reported the participation of other loyal French: "Mr. Pascal Breland and Mr. Royal are out with companies of mounted scouts towards St. Joe.... Good. Narcisse Marion had five stalwart sons at the front."3" The paper expected war on the American border.

Meanwhile, Canadian government officials were on tenderhooks, wondering if they could depend on the Metis and their supporters. Although The Manitoban reported the details of the raid on Saturday, October 7, preparations to meet the Fenians continued. There were fears of another attack at St. Joseph. McMicken observed:

Many perplexing difficulties cropped up to annoy the Governor. Fathers Ritchot and Dugas had daily interviews with him but they invariably ended by their refusing to urge Riel to enroll with his people unless the amnesty was assured to them.

Archibald finally agreed to recommend their loyalty to the government "for the present circumstance." He reviewed the troops on Sunday, October 8, in St. Boniface, and subsequently lost his position after being observed shaking hands with Riel.3' Ontario Canadians disapproved: "This was nothing more nor less than a collusive coup d'etat by Bishop Tache and Governor Archibald who had a very good chance to know by this time the result of Col. Wheaton's gallant act at Pembina - now three days old" according to Rev. A.C. Garrioch, representing the opinion in the English parishes.32

In his own defence, Archibald argued before the Select Committee of the House of Commons of 1874 that he believed that O'Donoghue was certain the Metis would join him because of the "continual persecution endured by his ex-colleagues of the provisional government."I He understood the seriousness of the Fenian threat which depended on the Metis withdrawing their support for Canada because of the persecution and the "Reign of Terror."

The volunteers, led by Major Irvine at Fort Garry, started out with 200 men on Monday, October 9, not knowing that the American Captain Wheaton had already stopped the "invasion". McMicken noted Irvine "in the evening dull, dark and drizzling, started out with all the panoply and pomp of glorious war." The soldiers only went as far as St. Norbert, before they heard that it was no longer necessary to go to Pembina; Canadian troops at Pembina arrived in November. Drawings of the events served as Canadian propaganda as they exaggerated the glorious conflict between the Canadian troops and the Fenians which never happened.

Back in Winnipeg, fear abounded. Rumours circulated in the English-speaking parishes that the French could not be trusted.34 Hostilities from the year before reemerged and paranoia resulted. McMicken reported:

The villagers were to be attacked by a large force of Metis from St. Boniface. The home guard were active; several were incarcerated on suspicion. In Mr. Cunningham's eyes, an Irish name, especially if the person who bore it was a Roman Catholic, was a strong ground for suspicion and a justifiable cause of arrest.35

But even McMicken realized that people could not be arrested on suspicion or because of their ethnic identity without evidence. At the Lieutenant-Governor's request, he went to the police station where the prisoners were being held in order to investigate. One of the prisoners was Bannatyne's nephew. McMicken rejected what he called "despotic authority" and ordered "under my authority as an officer of the Dominion specially charged with matters of criminal jurisdiction of the General Government, and the sanction of His Honour the Lieutenant-Governor of the province, to set the prisoners at liberty."6

Regarding the "invaders," Canadian officials were distressed that the American justice system did not try the Irish American leaders. In his proclamation of thanks to the volunteers who had rallied to protect the new province from the American invaders, Lieutenant-Governor Archibald regretted that "the United States civil authorities at Pembina...discharged these marauders, for reasons which I am unable to comprehend." He also made a special mention of the "200 able-bodied French Metis" who had rallied to the support of the Crown and "were prepared to do their duty as loyal subjects in repelling any raid that might now, or hereafter, be made on the country." He promised to recommend their loyal action to the Governor-General (which they hoped for to get the desired amnesty). He further noted:

If among these people there were - and I believe there were - some persons whose exceptional position might have led O'Donghue to look for their support, it only adds to the value of the demonstration, and removes the last hope of the miscreants who have invaded your soil, that they would receive sympathy or aid from any class of the population.37

Archibald was right; there were some Metis who supported O'Donoghue. Captain Wheaton reported that a Metis named Joseph Poitras of St. Joseph had been paid by a man named Doyle in the same community to cut large quantities of hay. He was responding to a report by the American Consul in Winnipeg, James Wicker Taylor, that "half breeds at St. Joseph, D.T., are ...supplied with money by Fenians." He also reported that "O'Neill, Curley and Donnelly...were at the house of a Mr. Grant; that O'Donoghue was with them, and that they were, so far as he was able to Team, intending to go to Doyle's house....The indications from the movements of these men seemed to be that a raid was intended from the vicinity of St. Joseph."38

Apparently, some supporters of Riel's Provisional Government of 1869-70 were sufficiently disillusioned with their experience of the previous year that they were prepared to support O'Donoghue's desperate attempt at invasion. O'Donoghue himself claimed in 1875 in a letter to the Speaker of the House of Commons in Ottawa that "it was simply a continuation of the insurrection inaugurated in `69, and with the same intention, and by the same parties." He also claimed that his "part in it was simply that of an agent of the people, holding a commission authorized by a resolution of the Council held at La Riviere Salle in September '70, over which Council L. Riel presided."3 Although historian J.P. Pritchett was correct to suggest that there was no evidence that Riel was involved, new evidence has come to light that Pembina Metis participated in O'Donoghue's Raid.40

Three weeks after the Fenians were released by a Pembina magistrate, three Pembina Metis were arrested at the border (the location of the actual line was in dispute) and taken by Canadian officials to Winnipeg for trial for "feloniously and unlawfully levying war against Her Majesty."41 Summarizing the results of the proceeding in late November 1871, Archibald reported to the Prime Minister:

One has been convicted, one acquitted, and, as to the third, the Jury could not agree, and the prisoner has been remanded. The one convicted has been sentenced to be hanged on the 23rd. February.42

The Lieuteant-Governor who had suffered from the stress of the threatened invasion was anxious for a conviction.43 However, the three arrested were not Irish-American Fenians as might be expected, but Red River Valley Metis: Isadore Villeneuve (acquitted), Andre Jerome St. Matte (remanded) and Louison "Oiseau" Letendre (convicted). Jerome and Letendre were buffalo hunters and cart drivers on the trains that transported goods between Fort Garry and Saint Paula Villeneuve had just returned from Athabasca with the HBC brigades when he was arrested: While Letendre apparently lived south of the boundary line at St. Vincent, Minnesota, and was an American citizen, Andre Jerome St. Matte lived north of what is now Emerson, Manitoba, but it was still part of the Pembina Catholic community of Ste. Agathe Parish in the Red River Settlemet; his father and at least some of his brothers were south of the border.44 In a deposition of January 29, 1872, Martin Jerome, Andre's father, swore as follows:

My son, Andrew Jerome now in confinement at Fort Garry, Province of Manitoba, was born near St. Boniface in said Province then known as the Red River Settlement of Rupert's Land and settled at Pembina, now in Pembina County, Dakota Territory, U.S. Then he resided in the United States about 25 years, and for about 3 years last past he has resided on the east side of the "Red River of the North" about one mile below [north] of the Old "Oak Post" known as Lieutenant Long's Post.45

The prisoners had wives and children and lived on river lots on the Red River according to the custom of the country. Letendre was married to Julie Delorme and they had eight children by 1871. Andre Jerome was married to Marguerite Gosselin and by 1871, they had eight children as well. Marguerite was pregnant with the ninth child at the time of her husband's arrest and this daughter, Angelique, was born on New Year's Eve while her father was a prisoner in the Stone Fort. At the time of their arrests, Villeneuve was about 23 years old, Andre Jerome St. Matte was 42 and Letendre was 45.49 Andre Jerome St. Matte and Louis "Oiseau" Letendre were first cousins and Andre was the uncle of Helene Jerome St. Matte whose husband was Elzear Goulet, killed September 13,1870, the first victim of the "Reign of Terror."50 The Letendre family was intermarried wide both the Jeromes and the family of Villeneuve's wife, Matilda Henry. Both her parents were related to Louis Letendre; her paternal grandmother Agathe Letendre was a sister of Louis' father; and her maternal grandfather, Francois Daunais dit Lionais, was a brother of Louis' mother 51 Both her parents were first cousins of Louis Letendre. Louis' uncle Louis and family moved to the Saskatchewan and were prominent there; Francoix Xavier Letendre(1841-1901) helped found the community of Batoche along the South Saskatchewan River in 1873.52

Most historians have not reported on these arrests because most of the records of the first two men have been destroyed. However, the Department of Justice kept an extensive file on Louison Letendre which provides eyewitness accounts, correspondence and petitions for his release.53 Although court records and newspaper accounts exist to verify that the trials took place, much of the story would have been hidden except for a valuable biographical piece about Andre Jerome St. Matte, written by a local newspaper editor, which gives the Mets side of the story. Coupled with family oral history, it s possible to reinterpret these events from a new perspective.54

Andre Jerome told his story to Joseph Bouvette (the local newspaper editor) who wrote an article entitled "Andre Jerome: First Settler in Kittson County" in 1906:

He took an active part against the British government in the Riel Rebellion and O'Donoghue Fenian Raid of 1869-70 and was imprisoned at Stony Mountain Penitentiary in Manitoba and was put through a sweat process by being bridled like a horse and obliged to break stone day and night to cause him to disclose the secret operations of his leaders, but his word was his bond, never to be broken and he took his hardships and cruelties until finally liberated.55

This passage contains some important information which requires some explanation and context. The first point is that Bouvette should have said that Jerome was kept at the Stone Fort (Lower Fort Garry) north of St. Andrews Parish (to distinguish it from Upper Fort Garry located at the Forks of the Red and Assiniboine). The Department of Justice File on Louison Letendre notes that he was held in the Stone Fort and his name is included in the Manitoba Penitentiary (Stony Mountain) Register of Prisoners.56 The Sheriff's Letter book noted that the three prisoners were being held at the Stone Fort.' While the Stony Mountain Register of Prisoners only lists Letendre, the Sheriff's Letter confirms the arrest of Villeuve and Andre Jerome was as well.58 While Bouvette's story provided the clue, we were pleased to find that Jerome's claims of arrest and imprisonment could be verified through official documents.

The second point on Bouvette's story is the reference to the "sweat process by being bridled like a horse and obliged to break stone day and night." The punishment for hard labour in those days involved being bridled and forced to haul large loads of heavy stone which would make one sweat from the exertion. Such a punishment should have been illegal in the case of Andre Jerome as the court remanded his case to the spring; he was not convicted at his first trial in November because the jury could not agree 59 Therefore, the prison officials had no right to punish him. There was also no suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act which the British had done in Ireland to allow them to round up large numbers of prisoners without trial as part of their policy of repression against Irish resistance to British rule.60 Therefore, prison officials at the Stone Fort had no right to punish him. Did the sweat process involve a more insidious goal?

The quotation "to cause him to disclose the secret operation of his leaders, but his word was his bond, never to be broken and he took his hardships and cruelties until finally liberated" indicated that coercion occurred. Torture is defined as "the act or fact of inflicting extreme pain, especially to make people give evidence about the crimes or to make them confess."61 Since Jerome claimed that he was put through the sweat process day and night in order to extract information from him when he had not been convicted, one must conclude that he was tortured. The fact that the people in charge were trying to get evidence to convict the leaders of the raid was also in line with British policies during the 1860s. While the use of torture was not documented in Fenian trials in Canada and Great Britain, there had been a large number of accused confessing and informing on their friends, suggesting coercion by government officials.62

Professor H. Senior observed about the imposition of capital punishment: "It was a practice to pass a capital sentence on raiders who possessed no legal status as military belligerants in order to satisfy public opinion, then delay the execution and ultimately release the prisoners."' While such a cynical tactic may explain Macdonald's strategy, the prisoners, their extended families and communities would have suffered fear and anxiety until the prisoners were released. Even if the effect was only psychological and there was no use of coercive torture, the threat to kill Letendre was still a powerful demonstration of the power of the new Canadian regime, especially when Riel and Lepine were being persecuted for the execution of Scott and were as yet unsuccessful in obtaining the promised general amnesty for those involved in the 1869-70 Resistance.

Pressuring witnesses to provide false evidence also happened after the North West Rebellion of 1885, according to the testimony of Louis Goulet. Although he claimed to have been a neutral by-stander and prisoner in the conflict, Goulet was arrested and held for some time before being released. He described how prosecutors offered to drop three charges against him if he would testify that Andre Nault Jr. and Abraham Montour had a meeting with Big Bear the night before the "massacre". Goulet refused and had to go to trial, but the charges were dropped for lack of evidence.

Canadian officials were well aware of O'Donoghue's involvement in the Manitoba attack as they had eye-witness testimony from people within the Hudson's Bay Company post at the border (Emerson) when it was captured.65 Therefore, surely it was not necessary to torture a prisoner, especially one that had not been convicted, in order to get evidence against O'Donoghue and his Irish-American friends. Given the climate of hatred against the Metis by the Ontario British, we suggest that the Canadian government officials were trying to get evidence to implicate Louis Riel in the Fenian Raid in order to arrest him. The fact that Riel was forced into exile and his life was in danger in Red River makes this type of persecution against his supporters not an unlikely scenario.

The historiography relating to the raid shows that the interpretation of events surrounding O'Donoghue's raid depended on the writer's ethnic background. Francophone writers, working with Metis oral history and documents collected by the Riel family and others, believed that the raid was linked to the "Reign of Terror" and the persecution of the Metis.? Anglophone Canadian historians tended to doubt the loyalty of the Metis and assumed that the Metis were waiting to see if O'Donoghue was successful in recruiting large numbers of supporters.' They also wanted revenge for the death of Orangeman Thomas Scott. While modem English-speaking historians have become more sympathetic to the French view and concluded that Riel did not support O'Donoghue's efforts in 1871, most did not notice that Metis had been arrested or question why the Pembina Metis did participate. Only two authors Commented on the arrest of the three Pembina Metis. One was Robert B. Hill, a Manitoba historian whose history was published in 1890. Although he reported that three "half breeds" appeared at the Quarterly Court on November 17, 1871, he did not know that they were Americans or that Andre Jerome St. Matte was held over the winter. He concluded that the raid made Canadian officials aware that more military protection was required. Rev. A.C. Garrioch, also partial to the Ontario viewpoint, noted in 1933 that the arrests and trials of the Metis occurred "so as to teach the French what was to be expected under the new order of things".69

If Andre Jerome was being tortured in the Stone Fort, who were the Canadian officials who would have authorized such tactics by his jailers? Archibald's reference of 25 November 1871 showed at least that he was aware that one Metis had been remanded and he was obviously keeping close tabs on the situation as the Lieutenant-Governor was anxious to punish those involved in the raid. A month earlier, he had lobbied the Prime Minister to pursue Fenian convictions in Saint Paul, Minnesota: "Would it not be well for you to telegraph to someone at Saint Paul to ask Davis, the district attorney, to spare no efforts to convince parties?' He was very disappointed that no Fenians were convicted and wanted as many convictions as he could get, whether Metis or Fenian, to deter future armed resistance. However, considering Archibald's even-handed approach to political unrest in Red River from 1870-72, it is doubtful he would have agreed to torturing prisoners for confessions if he had known about it.71

Two Canadians who had a better knowledge of the Fenian threat were the Prime Minister and his chief spy, Gilbert McMicken, whom he had sent to Manitoba as head of the Dominion Land Office after serving as head of a frontier police force to protect the United Canadas before Confederation.' McMicken's job required him to develop a spy network against the Fenians, which historian D.N. Sprague has pointed out did not give him an experience in administering a land office." Spying on political resistance movements such as the Fenians was common in both Britain and Canada.74

Some Ontario federal government members in Ottawa felt that "Riel was playing a double game."' They did not trust the Metis leaders. In November 1871, Macdonald wrote to McMicken and asked him to "quietly collect all the information you can as to Riel's connection with the [Fenian] rising & his sudden change [to aid Canada] on finding that the raid had ended in a fiasco." He further noted that Archibald did not need to know about the investigation: "It is no affair of his."76 This statement suggests that Macdonald did not want his Lieutenant-Governor involved in the spying activities and puts the responsibility for repressive anti-Fenian and anti-Metis measures on McDonald and McMicken. However, since obviously government officials at the Stone Fort would not have documented any cases of torture for the convenience of future historians, there is no official proof to substantiate Jerome's allegations.

It is perhaps more important to understand the motivation of the Pembina Metis to become involved in O'Donoghue's Raid, even if it did fizzle in its execution, because the threat of armed invasion was one that the Canadian and Manitoba governments took seriously. From the perspective of the Metis, the raid needs to be put into the context of the "Reign of Terror."" This term refers to the period from the arrival of the Canadian troops in August 1870 to the declaration of the amnesty in 1875. The most famous violent incident was the drowning of Elzear Goulet in September 1870. Identified in a Winnipeg saloon as a member of Scott's court martial, Goulet tried to escape to Saint Boniface by swimming the Red River, but drowned in the crossing. Although two Red River magistrates who investigated the suspicious death fixed responsibility, no arrests were made because of the tense situation in the community.' The newspapers blamed some of the Protestant volunteers who had a vendetta against the provisional government supporters of Riel, but the agitators were not dealt with by the Canadian justice system.79

French and English sources agreed on the interpretation of the death of Goulet. The Catholic priests knew that Goulet's death would have repercussions; as Father S. Simonet, a Riel sympathizer at Pembina, wrote to Bishop Tache on September 20,1870: "The death of Elzear would be expensive for the Government." Father LaFloch at St. Joseph (Wallialla) was equally worried:

I was in Pembina when the news of the poor Elzear Goulet...came; the information of this murder (at Pembina] has caused much disturbance, but here [St. Joseph] all is still quiet. If the amnesty comes, I believe that all will be well; but, if it is late, I fear repercussions.80 Protestant Rev. Garrioch believed that death of Goulet was retribution for the death of Scott.81

Elzear Goulet in fact lived at Pembina south of the American border which was the home of the "free traders" who challenged the monopoly of the Hudson's Bay Company. Pembina may have attracted families who were not sympathetic to British imperialistic policies. However, Metis extended families lived on river lots both north and south of the line without much regard to its national significance and they moved back and forth across the line depending on economic opportunities. Goulet was the mail carrier between Fort Garry and Pembina and, as already noted, married to Helene Jerome St. Matte, who was the granddaughter of Martin Jerome, a niece of Andre Jerome and cousin of Louison Letendre.? Oral history suggests that Helen was raised by her aunt, Mrs. Angelique Jerome Rolette, Andre Jerome's sister. Helene's father was dead and, in Metis society where kin groups valued extended family connections, such as in the close-knit community at Pembina, Andre Jerome and Louison Letendre would have felt a responsibility to avenge her husband's death. Here was left as a widow at a young age with six young children.84 The location of the Goulet home can be seen on a map found in the Letendre papers.

Jerome family history provides yet another insight into Andre Jerome's role in the raid. The trial records in the Letendre file do not specifically identify Andre Jerome at the scene of the looting of the HBC post at the border. Although "Jeromes" or "St. Matthes" are sometimes mentioned, the Christian name is not included so that it could have been any of his six brothers or other male relatives. For example, Antoine Collins testified that he "saw some of the St. Mattke's in the fort" and Antoine Paul Laronte (as spelled in the Department of Justice file) swore that he saw a St. Matthe and Letendre while the Fenians occupied the HBC post We assume that the witnesses identified Andre Jerome as the major participant in the raid rather than his brothers simply because he was the Jerome charged.

The family suggests that Andre Jerome's two oldest boys, Jean Baptiste, age 15, and Alexandre, age 12, drove the Red River cart in which the Fenians had hidden their load of rifles and ammunition. The family says that Andre Jerome gave himself up three weeks later when the arrests were made. Although in modern terms, these sons were somewhat young to be involved in a dangerous enterprise, in nineteenth-century Metis society, youngmen of this age would have been expected to work with their relatives on the bison hunt and around the farm.' Confirmation of this story can be found in some details provided by anglophone historian Robert Hill about the Fenian muskets and ammunition:

O'Donoghue's plan was to cross the frontier with a body of armed men, compelling every man he met in his path to accompany him, either as a prisoner or confederate, and thus swell his ranks till he reached [St. Boniface]....With a view to the successful issue of this plan, arms had been deposited under a hay-stack within a few yards of the frontier during the summer. On the night previous to the raid, these were moved across to the west side of the river and put in the cellar of a house standing within a few feet of the road leading down to the same and occupied by the widow of Elzear Goulet, who had been drowned the previous fall near Fort Garry. As the men marched towards the frontier, they armed themselves on passing the house.

This information suggests that, since Goulet's widow was a Jerome, the Jerome and Letendre families were intimately involved with O'Donoghue in transporting Fenian arms to the invaders. Andre's younger brother Joseph owned the river lot directly across the Red River on the Minnesota side, south of the border, so that the arms were possibly hidden in Joseph Jerome's haystack. It is not surprising that Uncle Andre and cousin Louis would use their relative's property to stash the arms and their niece's house in Pembina to distribute them.'

Perhaps the most important reason for Andre Jerome's arrest was because of his role in the Resistance of 1869-70. The deposition of Andre Nault, one of Riel's lieutenants, suggests that Jerome St. Matte and Damase Harrison were guards of Thomas Scott in Upper Fort Garry and that they insisted on a Council of War (court martial) because otherwise they would shoot him themselves. "They did not want to risk their lives in guarding this man."' Given the persecution of the Metis after the troops arrived in August 1870, if Andre Jerome had been a guard in Upper Fort Garry during the Provisional Government, he would have been a likely target for reprisals. Andre Nault himself was beaten up at Pembina and left for dead in 1871; these violent incidents were punishment for executing Scott.' Since Andre Jerome had a large number of half brothers that looked similar, it is possible that he was mistaken for one of them; in any case, which brother was arrested may not have mattered to the authorities.

Andre Jerome was acquitted at his second trial which had the same result as the first: there was not enough evidence to convince the jury to convict him? Villeneuve had been acquitted at his first trial and Letendre sentenced to hang. After diplomatic interventions by the American government based on the claim that Letendre was an American citizen and on a large petition signed by prominent citizens in Winnipeg, including most of the leading politicians, both English and French, Letendre s sentence was commuted to twenty years in prison and then he was released in January 1873 and ordered to leave the country until the twenty year sentence was up?93 One of the arguments used in his defence was that he had to support a large family and that he was "weak-minded." His friend, Paul Laronte [sic], Sr., observed:

Have known prisoner a long time - have been at most brought up with him; he is a quiet man, as far as I know; is not rich, but is a day-laborer with a large family. He passes for a good fellow, but they say his mind is rather weak since he got a kick from a horse. By his conversation, I shd. [sic] judge him to be weak-minded....Never heard that he was opposed to the Canadian Government.94

In 1872, Martin Jerome, Andre's father, sold river lot #54 north of Emerson, and Andre Jerome and his family moved south to become "the first settlers of Kittson County, Minnesota" at the mouth of the Red and Two Rivers. In retrospect, it seems that these prisoners were arrested and Letendre was convicted as political scapegoats for the resistance of 1869-70 and the death of Thomas Scott.

In terms of justice issues, it is difficult to compare the treatment of Fenians captured in earlier raids in the Maritimes, Quebec and Ontario with the Manitoba skirmish. The Manitoba raid was not officially approved by the Fenian Brotherhood who were disillusioned with past failures.95 It was not technically an "invasion" at all since it was not sanctioned by the American government. There was no engagement of Canadian or British troops since the escapade was terminated by the intervention of American cavalry from Fort Pembina who had been ordered to prevent any embarrassing incidents. And as a number of authors have already noted, the Manitoba Metis did not in general support it so that it was not a threatened uprising in the same sense as happened in Ireland under the leadership of Col. Thomas J. Kelly in 1867. The Metis were concerned with local, not international, issues and O'Donoghue helpfully provided some inspirational rhetoric and a practical supply of muskets and ammunition.

The Jerome St. Matte Brothers, 1905. Top: Elie, David and Daniel; Bottom: Louis, Andre, Jerome and Joseph. Roger was absent. Martin and Baptiste were dead in 1905. Jerome Family Cou.

Elzear Goulet, the first victim of the "Reign of Terror."

In the United States, the Irish Fenians were perceived as heroes pursuing a republican dream for their homeland. While they were at times an embarrassment to American politicians, they were treated lightly in the USA for their armed skirmishes on the Canadian border. The British Government (when dealing with Fenian activities in Ireland and England), and consequently the Canadian Government, considered them traitors, even though they were naturalized Americans and no longer British, and many were charged with treason. Although the Metis in the Red River Valley had their own personal reasons for assisting O'Donoghue and his Irish American friends, they were caught up in an international game of conspiracy and intrigue. Since the invading American Irish had threatened to take up arms against the Canadian government, the Canadian politicians used the situation to punish and repress Metis resistance in Manitoba. The difference between the Irish Americans and the Metis was obvious: the former were ex-patriots threatening attacks on Canada and Britain from the republican USA. The Metis on the other hand were defending their own homeland and their families from dispossession. While the majority under the leadership of Riel apparently decided to give the new Canadian regime a chance, some of Riel's supporters were sufficiently disillusioned with their experience of the previous year that they were prepared to support O'Donoghue's desperate attempt at invasion. They failed and, being on the losing side, suffered the consequences for taking up arms against the "new" Canadian regime.

Unlike their Fenian comrades who escaped to Minnesota and beyond, the Pembina Metis were arrested and brought to Winnipeg for trial. Like the Fenians in Ireland, they might have been called the "Pembina Martyrs" if they had become symbolic scapegoats for Canadian repression of the resistance, but this martyrdom happened to Riel after 1885, not to the veterans of the Pembina skirmish. On the contrary, having been exiled, they moved south of the border and did not become the heroes of the resistance to the Manitoba Metis. They were not the subject of balladeers and poets and their role was forgotten except in a local Minnesota weekly newspaper, a Department of Justice file, and a Sheriff's Letter book.

For historians, however, and those interested in the current legal and judicial wrangling over the question of Metis dispossession, we would argue that the Canadian Government, which had only been in possession of the new western territory for one year, made an example of the Pembina "traitors" as part of its repression of Aboriginal resistance.' This persecution helped create a political climate in which many Manitoba Metis realized that their rights would not be respected. As one of the components of the "Reign of Terror,' the O'Donoghue Raid and its aftermath convinced these local settlers that they should move farther west where they could temporarily escape the persecution which had been directed at them in the Red River Valley-" Such an atmosphere of repression helped drive the Metis out. Descendants of Metis families which suffered from the trials and legal persecution of Canadian officials have talked about the shame that such persecution engendered for their relatives.101

In conclusion, the issue of Metis participation in O'Donoghue's raid of 1871 was linked to family and local issues in the aftermath of the resistance of 1869-70. The Metis of Pembina were closely allied to the residents of the French parishes of the Red River Settlement through kinship ties and were obliged to defend their territory against hostile outsiders. The Canadian government feared Metis retaliation for the "Reign of Terror" and sought to curtail any military activity. Although Riel and his cavalry remained loyal to Canada and did not support the republican aspirations of O'Donoghue, the Red River Metis remained under suspicion in the aftermath of the threatened invasion. As with Fenian prisoners in eastern Canada and in Britain, repressive measures were sought to prevent further outbreaks of violence. The fact that the invasion was interrupted by the American cavalry and that the Metis were for the most part loyal to the Crown did not prevent three Pembina Metis from being charged with treason.

The persecution of the Pembina prisoners, Louison "Ouiseau" Letendre, Isadore Villeneuve and Andre Jerome, probably exerted the desired effect on their friends and relatives. The not-so-covert message was that, if they took up arms again against the Canadian government, they would be severely punished. However, Canadian officials may have been prepared to go farther, that is, to torture a prisoner in custody who had not been convicted in order to extract a confession. Was the Canadian Government prepared to overstep the bounds of "British Justice" in order to collect the information it needed?

In terms of Aboriginal justice issues, this case is a good example of the repression that the Metis of the Red River Settlement faced in the wake of their resistance. On the one hand, they could not get any retribution for the murder of Elzear Goulet, a prominent member of the community, or to protect their people from violent assaults by the Ontario Canadians. On the other, they were severely and illegally dealt with for participation in the O'Donoghue raid. The treatment of Andre Jerome and Louison "Oiseau" Letendre would have had repercussions throughout the parishes, resulting in increased malaise and despair. It is not surprising that many Metis left Manitoba, and, if their exile was "voluntary," it was to escape the persecution of the "Reign of Terror." The new Canadian regime was prepared to use strong measures to repress any hint of political armed resistance even though the actual "invasion" was aborted before it began. The extreme measures which were used against the Fenians in previous invasions were an overreaction in Manitoba, yet the Metis suffered the same consequences. Given the lack of strong deterrents exercised against the Ontario Protestant agitators, the Metis observed a justice system which did not treat its indigenous residents as equals and which worked to their disadvantage. "Unequal Justice" was their experience and diaspora was the result.

Andre Jerome's sons in 1880. Top: Roger and Napolean. Centre: Martin, Andrew and Baptiste. Front: Sam and Alexandre. It was Baptiste and Alexandre who drove the cart with the Fenian muskets. Jerome Family collection.

FOOTNOTES

1. Provincial Archives of Manitoba (PAM), Macdonald Papers on microfilm from National Archives of Canada (NAC), C1509, Vol. 6, Fenian Raids, 25021-037, Archibald to Macdonald, October 13,1871. Earlier drafts of this paper were delivered at the Manitoba History Conference, Winnipeg, May 1993, and the Association of Canadian Studies in the US (ACSUS), New Orleans, November, 1993. Ruth Swan is in the doctoral program, History Department, University of Manitoba. Edward A. Jerome of Hallock, Minnesota, is a greatgrandson of Andre Jerome dit St. Matte. We would like to thank Prof. Hereward Senior (McGill), Prof. Wesley Pue (UBC), Prof. D.N. Sprague (Manitoba), Dr. Jennifer Brown (Winnipeg) and Diane Payment (Parks Canada) for their comments on earlier versions of the paper.

2. In Fenian & Angla-American Relations during Reconstruction, (Ithaca & London:1969), Brian Jenkins focused on the diplomatic repercussions of the raid and dismissed the Manitoba episode with a brief reference to one of the prisoners (p. 316). In Fenianism in North America, W.S. Neidhardt (Pennsylvania State University Press: 1975) devoted 8 paragraphs to the Manitoba Raid with special attention to the role of General O'Neill. He relied on the interpretation of J.P. Pritchett, "The Origins of the So-called Fenian Raid on Manitoba", CHR 10,1929: 2342. Hereward Senior's first book on the subject, The Fenians & Canada, Toronto: McMillan: 1978, made no mention of the Manitoba raid. In The Iastlnvasion ofCanada, Senior included a chapter on O'Donoghue's raid; although he mentioned the participation of "15 halfbreeds" and a "Minnesota resident" as a prisoner, he did not elaborate or question Metis participation, pp.183 and 186. . W.L. Morton did not mention the raid in Manitoba: A History (Toronto:1957,1979). Neither did G.A. Friesen in The Canadian Prairies (Toronto: 1984). In For Better or For Worse (Toronto: Copp Clark Pitman Ltd., 1991), J.L. Granatstein dismissed the Fenians as a serious threat in 1871: "An 1871 border scare turned out not to have been caused by them" (p.13). In The Red River Rebellion (Winnipeg: Watson & Dwyer,1996:226), J.M. Bumsted noted "a handful of Metis" participated in the invasion.

3. See Joseph Kinsey Howard,StrangeEmpire:A Narrative ofthe Northwest, Saint Paul: Minnesota Historical Society Borealis Edition, 1952,1994: 102. George F.G. Stanley, "William Bernard O'Donoghue", Dictionary of Canadian Biography, vol. 10, Toronto & Quebec: Universities of Toronto and Laval, 1972: 556-557; identifies O'Donoghue as an American Irishman who was treasurer of Riel's Provisional Government. Stanley, Military Expeditions to Red River Toronto & Oxford: Dundurn Press, 1989: 202. A long article in The Manitoban, October 7, 1871, identified the Fenian officers who accompanied O'Donoghue to Pembina. An eye-witness account came from Capt. Lloyd Wheaton who arrested the leaders in the process of looting the HBC post, Fort Pembina, US National Archives, RG94, Records of the Adjutant's General's Office, #3248, Report to the Assistant Adjutant General, St. Paul, by Wheaton, Fort Pembina, Dakota Territory, October 5,1871. We would like to thank Alan Woolworth, Research Fellow for the Minnesota Historical Society, for this reference.

4. This tenn rm comes fromAllen Ronaghan, "The Archibald Administration in Manitoba", Ph.D. thesis, University of Manitoba, 1986, Ch. 33, p. 698. In "The So-Called Fenian Raid on Manitoba in 1871", Canadian Historical Review vol. 10, 1929, p. 41, J.P. Pritchett argued that "the O'Donoghue and O'Neill project was not Fenian in any shape or form." This point will be contested since they did provide 94 muskets, 11 sabres and 12,00 musket-cartridges according to Captain Wheaton in his report of October 5. In Toil and Trouble Stanley uses both terms, acknowledging that "the irrepressibly optimistic O'Neill was prepared to support the equally hopeful O'Donoghue. Other Fenian leaders, however, more realistic, were less enthusiastic. Angrily, O'Neill resigned his presidency of the Brotherhood, declaring that he would act on his own. He was going to support O'Donoghue and would invite other Fenian officers to join him. Colonel Curley alone responded to O'Neill's histrionics", page 204. Actually, another Fenian officer named Donnelly also joined them. Hereward Senior included the Manitoba invasion in his book, The last Invasion of Canada, The Fenian Raids, 1966-70, chapter 10: 173.

5. See for example the description by Robert Hill, in Manitoba, History of its Early Settlement, Development and Resources, Toronto:1890:335-349. Alexander Begg, History of the North-West, volume II, Toronto: Hunter, Rose & Company, 1894, chapter V: "Half breed Complications and the Fenian Raid": 65-76. George Bryce, A History of Manitoba: its Resources & People, Toronto &Montreal, The Canada History Company, 1906:176-177. In 1963, George F.G. Stanley edited the journal of Abbe J.B. Proulx as follows: "L'Invasion Fenienne au Manitoba", R.H.A. F., vol xvii, September 1963:258-68. Undoubtedly, in 1871, most Manitobans thought of the raid as a Fenian affair. The article by J.B. Pritchett published in 1929 in the Canadian Historical Review changed the view of academics but, by that time, most Manitobans had probably forgotten about it.

6. For American views of the Fenian movement, see William D'Arcy, The Fenian Movement in the United States, 1858-1886, New York, Russell & Russell, 1947 and Mabel G. Walker, The Fenian Movement, Colorado Springs: Ralph Myles Publishers, 1969. For information on the movement in Ireland, see Desmond Ryan, The Fenian Chief A Biography of James Stephens, Dublin & Sydney: Gill & Son, 1967, and Leon O'Broin, Fenian Fever: An Anglo-American Dilemma, London: Cornell University Press,1969.

7. For reviews of diplomacy between the USA and Great Britain and Canada, see Brian Jenkins, Fenians and Anglo-American Relations during Reconstruction, Ithaca, N.Y. and London, 1969 and W.S. Neidhardt, Fenianism in North America, University Park,1975.

8. For information on the Fenian attacks on Canada, see Hereward Senior, The Fenians & Canada, Toronto: Macmillan of Canada,1978 and also The last Invasion of Canada: The Fertian Raids, 1866-1870, Toronto dz Oxford: Dundurn Press,1991.

9. Senior, The last Invasion of Canada, p. 191: "The greatest deficiency of the Canadian command was that they could not respond to repeated false alarms without losing face."

10. For example, Prime Minister John Macdonald reported to Lord Carnarvon on April 14,1870, that he expected a raid by John O'Neill against Manitoba and complained about the withdrawal of British troops. The Old Ch/in, Toronto: Macmillan Company,1955, p. 61.

11. An important view of the political ramifications of the Fenian Raids came from Canada's military historian, C.P. Stacey, "Fenianism & the Rise of National Feeling in Canada at the Time of Confederation", C.H.R., September 1931: 238:261.

12. Begg, History of the North-West, vol. 11: 71: "It was well-known to [Governor Archibald] that a mere spark at that time was only needed to send the whole French population into open revolt - a fact which was not so well understood by his critics".

13. Captain Lloyd Wheaton, Report to Assistant Adjutant General, #3248, October 5,1871.

14. Hereward Senior, The Last Invasion of Canada, Toronto: 1991, p.183.

15. J.J. Hill quoted in Via Kelsey, Red River Runs North, New York: Harper 6z Bros,1951, p.181.

16. Wheaton, Report #3248, October 5,1871.

17. Alexander Begg noted in his History of the North-West, vol. II, Toronto: Hunter, Rose,1894, p. 71, that the Fenians had been released because "the evidence against them, being, it was said, insufficient to convict them of a breach of the neutralitylaws. They were, in fact, liberated as the quickest way to get over the whole difficulty." Roy P. Johnson noted that the border line was in dispute and it was not clear if the HBC post at Emerson was actually north or south of the 49th. Parallel. George Foster, a clerk in the Pembina court, reported that the Fenians were released on the assumption that they had actually not crossed the border. In "The Fenian Invasion of 1871", HSSM, Ser. III: 7 (1952): pp. 30-39. For a more comprehensive view, see Johnson, Red River Valley, ed. Clarence A. Glasrud, Red River Valley Historical Society, 1982, pp. 345-353. See also report in the Manitoban, October 14,1871. American annexationist, real estate promoter and legless lawyer Enos Stutsman was the Fenian's defence attorney; see Dale Gibson, Attorney for the Frontier: Enos Stutsman, Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press,1983:157-158. He later helped to get depositions to secure the release of the Pembina Metis. See James Wickes Taylor Papers in the Provincial Archives of Manitoba, MG5,B2 (M233).

18. PAM, James Wickes Taylor papers, Wheaton to Taylor: October 12, 1871.

19. Stories of the arrests of Curley and O'Neill in Saint Paul were reprinted in the Alodtoban, October 23, 1871.

20. PAM, Belleau Papers (copy from Richardton Abbey, N.D.), Father S. Simonet, Pembina, to Archbishop Tache, St. Boniface, September 29, 1870. See also Father LeFloch, St. Joseph, to Tache, October 9, 1870: "Riel and Lepine came to see me and both are not at all anxious to start a war...Riel is worried for fear that O'Donoghue is gone to get a party of Fenians and...cause more trouble at Pembina."

21. Jeff Keshen, "Cloak and Dagger: Canada West's Secret Police, 18641867", Ontario History, v. 79, #4, December 1987: 353-381 and Cheryl MacDonald, "Gilbert McMicken, Spymaster: Canada's Secret Police", The Beaver June/July 1991: 44-49.

22. GilbertMcMicken, "The Abortive Fenian Raid on Manitoba", Histor/m/ and Scientific Society of Manitoba (HSSM) #32,1187-8,1-11. McMicken stated he received a telegram from Macdonald "urging my departure, owing to information he had received relative to the threatened Fenian movement on Manitoba, in connection with the apprehended uprising of the half breeds, subsequent to my departure from the capital", p. 1.

23. McMicken memoir, p. 2.

24. McMicken memoir, p. 3.

25. McMicken memoir, p. 4.

26. McMicken memoir, p. 6.

27. C.P. Stacey, "The Second Red River Expedition, 1871", Canadian Defence Quarterly, vol. 8, #2,January 1931:1-10. G.F.G. Stanley, Toil and Trouble: MMitary Expeditions to Red River, Toronto & Oxford: Dundurn Press, 1989, Chapter 10: "The Fenian Raid in Manitoba 1871 ".

28. McMicken memoir, p. 6.

29. McMicken memoir, p. 8. Also, Rev. A.C. Garrioch, The Correction Ltn, Winnipeg. Stovel Co. Ltd., 1933, p. 335: "To the last, Governor Archibald was not able to cast aside the policy of expediency", meaning that he had been disloyal for compromising with the French Party.

30. The Manitoban, October 14, 1871.

31. "This act on the part of Governor Archibald brought down upon his head the denunciation of a large number of people in the province and caused him ever afterwards to be unpopular with a certain class. But Governor Archibald acted for the best interests of the country, and it was well-known to him that a mere spark at that time was only needed to send the whole French population into open revolt - a fact which was not so well understood by his critics". Alexander Begg, History of the North West, p. 71. Garrioch, 1933, p. 336 and D.N. Sprague, Canada and the Metis, 2869-1885, Waterloo: Wilfred Laurier Press,1988:p. 76: "Mhe handshaking incident only brought Orangemen to new heights of vituperation in Ontario."

32. Garrioch, 1933, p. 336.

33. Archibald' testimony is cited by A.H. de Tremauden, "Louis Riel and the Fenian Raid of 1871 ", Canadian Historirnl Review (CHR), vol. 4, #2, June:144.

34. Garrioch, p. 336.

35. McMicken memoir, p. 9.

36. McMicken memoir, p. 9. The only mention of these prisoners in The
Manitoban was on October 7: "A man named Cameron was arrested last night (Friday [October 6]), on suspicion of being connected with the Fenian movement. He remains in limbo."

37. Manitoban, October 14, 1871.

38. Taylor's report was included in Wheaton's report #3248.

39. Cited by J.P Pritchett, "The Origins of the So-Called Fenian Raid on Manitoba", CHR, v.10,March, 1929, p. 41. The original is in the Provincial Archives of Manitoba (PAM), Schultz Papers, MG12, El, #7457, February 26,1875. Garrioch, p. 336.

40. Pritchett partly based his conclusion on the research of A.H. de Tremaudan who wrote "Louis Riel and the Fenian Raid of 1871", CHR, v. 4:2,1923:132-144 based on the minutes of meetings organized in the French Metis parishes in 1871 to decide on their strategy. De Tremaudan obtained access to these minutes from Joseph Riel, the brother of Metis leader, who had collected some of his papers and (according to Diane Payment) from the Union Nationale Metisse de St. Joseph. "They are mostly in the handwriting of Louis Riel himself." He wanted to challenge the bias in English-language sources: "We have seen it so often stated that the Metis only came forward after all was over that we think it necessary to insist that trustworthy sources prove quite the opposite" (footnote 25).

41. PAM, General Quarterly Court, 1863-72, MG2 B4-1, p. 195-201.The definition of treason is "the act or fact or betraying one's country or ruler. Helping the enemies of one's county is treason". Gage Canadian Dictionary. The death penalty was the punishment for conviction. In previous Fenian trials in Canada, treason was charged if the government could prove that those indicted were British subjects; see W.S. Neidhardt, Fenianism in North America, p.100. In the 1867 attack at Tallaght Hill, 207 prisoners were charged with High Treason; see O'Broin, Fenian Fever, p. 155.

42. PAM, copy of Macdonald Papers, pp. 25070-71, 25 November 1871. This is proof that Archibald knew about the arrests of three Mkis and that he knew that one had been remanded until the spring. Whether he knew about Jerome's treatment in custody is open to speculation. See PAM, Court of Queen's Bench, Winnipeg- Criminal Registers: GR2607 which lists those charged with "Feloniously and unlawfully levying war against Her Majesty" and the results of their trials: #8, Isadore Villeneuve - "not guilty" -, #10, Oiseau L'Etendre - "guilty" - and 11), Andre Jerome St. Matte - "discharged". A.C. Garrioch also noted the three M46tis arrests: p. 337.

43. For a description of the preparations to repel the invaders, see Stanley, Louis Riel, p. 111. For a copy of Archibald's proclamation calling for volunteers, see PAM, Archibald Papers, #574. See also Ronaghan's Ph.D. thesis for details and The Manitoban, October 7,1871.

44. J.E. Bouvette, editor of the Kittson County Enterprise, published a long story about "Andrew Jerome" in the silver anniversary edition in 1906. This article was republished in the Centennial Edition, June 19, 1983. The headline reads: "Andre Jerome First Settler in the County". Underneath a photo of Mr. and Mrs. Jerome, the bold text reads: "Was picturesque figure of Mixed Blood and Hardy Stock; Suffered at Hands of British For Activity As Aid of Louis Riel". The article notes that Andre Jerome was still living in 1906, so we have assumed that Bouvette interviewed Jerome himself and much of the information is "oral history". J.E. Bouvette was raised in Pembina and had family ties to the Red River Settlement. Some facts in the article are not correct based on our research. For example, "he [jerome] traced his ancestry back to the French Huguenots, his paternal grandfather having migrated from France early in the nineteenth century." According to Tanquay's Genealogical Dictionary,1887, the first Jerome in New France was a soldier, Francois Jerome dit Latour dit Beaune, from Brittany in 1698 and he married Marie-Angelique Dardenne; their eldest son, Francois Jerome dit Latour, was born in 1706 and first came to the west as a voyageur for La Verendrye. There were several generations of Jeromes who worked in the fur trade up the North Saskatchewan River before Andre's father, Martin, and his good friend, Jean-Baptiste Letendre (Louis' father) moved to Red River in the 1820s. See HBCA, 8.235/d/18 for accounts of Jerome and Letendre, Winnipeg Account Book. See our article, "Saskatchewan Voyageurs and Bison Hunters:The Jerome Family in the Northwest (1727-1821), Winnipeg: Rupert's Land Colloquium,1998. The close personal ties between the Jerome and Letendre families existed over several generations. Louis Letendre's father and uncle had lots 765 and 763, HBCA, E.6/7, Red River Settlement, Grants of Land. Isadore Villeneuve
is not listed as living at Pembina, but he married Matilda Henry, the daughter of Alexis Henry and Marie Daunais dit Lyonnaise, age 9 in 1850 Pembina Census. She is not listed in the 1860 Pembina Census. His brother Hyacinthe settled in North Dakota.

45. The Manitoban, December 2,1871.

46. In the correspondence of American consul, James Wickes Taylor, are depositions collected by the American State Department to lobby for the release of the Pembina Metis who were considered Americans. These are in the Minnesota Historical Society, and we also consulted them in PAM, MG5 B2 on microfilm. Information in his father's deposition is confirmed by the Pembina U.S. [Minnesota] Census of 1850 which lists "Andrew Jerome, 22, male, hunter". In the 1860 Census, "Andre Jerome" is listed as age 30 and a "farmer", the description used for most of the Metis heads of families. In 1870 Red River Census (Manitoba), Andre St. Matte and family are livingin Ste. Agathe Parish which extended to Pembina. In 1872, there is a record that Martin Jerome sold lot 54 on the east side of the Red River north of Emerson, Manitoba, to Andrew Hepburn. In the 1850 Pembina census, there are two Louis Batoches: age 49 (uncle married Marie Jane Hallett) and Louis 17; this is probably Louis 1 & 3, uncle and cousin of the Louis who was a prisoner. There is a Baptiste Batoch, age 25, with wife Julie; we believe this was a mistake and it was Louis 2, the prisoner. The 1850 federal U.S. Census [Pembina, Minnesota Territory] is published in the Collections of the State Historical Society, 385-405 and we also consulted it on microfilm as the Chester Fritz Library, Special Collections, University of North Dakota. The 1860 Pembina Census lists two Louis Letendres: age 60 (born in Michigan) and age 30 (born in British America). He is listed with Julie, age 28, and 4 children. The Stony Mountain Register put his age as 44 in 1872. We believe that the most reliable evidence that Louis 2 was born in 1826 was the depositions of Martin Jerome, his uncle, and Baptiste LaRocque, on January 16, 1872 in the James Wickes Taylor Papers, PAM (MGS, B2; microfilm M233). In the Red River Census of 1849, Louis Batosh is listed at age 23, married with no children, suggesting he married about that time. It also lists his uncle Louis Batosh, 48, with 12 in family, and his father Baptiste Batosh, age 58, with 7 in family (PAM, MG2,B3; microfilm M160). This suggests Louis 2 (the prisoner) moved to Pembina between 1849 and 1850 unless the Red River Census included Pembina.

47. NAC, Letendre file, Deposition of Martin Jerome, January 29, 1872. This information is confirmed by Andre Jerome appearing in the 1850 and 1860 census in Pembina and the 1870 Red River Census in Manitoba. In 1872, Martin Jerome sold this lot 54 to AndrewHepburn when Andre Jerome was released and moved south of the border to Minnesota.

48. Pembina Assomption Catholic Church Register.

49. Villeneuve was born in 1848 in St. Charles according to the list of "Half breed
Heads of Families", NAC, RGiS, vol. 1507, the son of Francois Villeneuve and Helene Vallee. Andre Jerome was born in 1829 in St. Boniface (St. Boniface Baptisms); Sprague and Frye's Genealogy (Winnipeg: Pemmican,1983) lists his birth as 1827 which is incorrect. His parents were Martin Jerome II and Angelique Letendre; he died in 1916 in Hallock, Mn. Louis "Oiseau" Letendre dit Batoche's birth date is not recorded in church records. In depositions by Martin Jerome and Baptiste LaRocquein the James W. Taylor Papers (January 16, 1872), they both testified that Louis L'Etendre (sic) was born in 1826, the son of Baptiste L'Etendre (sic). Since Louis had an uncle, cousin and son by the same name, the best way to distinguish him is by his father, birth date, and his wife, Julie Delorme. According to the Pembina Church Register and affidavits, St. Boniface Historical Society, they had 7 children by 1866 [Pembina Assomption Church baptisms; Gail Moris includes Roger born in 1849], but we have found no church record of Louis' birth, marriage or death. In Kittson County Historical Society, see Tax List of Real Property for the town[ship] of St. Vincent, Mn.,: in 1880, Julia Batosh is located on a ten acre lot in Sec. 2, Twp. 163N, Range 51 west; this suggests she was a widow and her husband [Louis Letendre dit Batoche] was dead by 1880. St. Vincent was across the Red River from Pembina and part of the Catholic parish of Pembina. Note that dates on these historical records often conflict by a few years.

50. The death of Elzear Goulet is one of the best documented incidents in Metis historiography and is often cited as a cause of continuing Metis resentment towards the new Canadian regime. See short biography on Goulet in The Collected Writings of Louis Riel, ed. by G. Stanley,
Thomas Flanagan, & Claude Rocan, Edmonton: University of Alberta Press, vol. 5: pp. 2634: "Drowned in the Red River while fleeing from Canadian militia men." See N.E.A. Ronaghan, "The Archibald Administration in Manitoba, 1870-72", Ph.D. thesis, Winnipeg: University of Manitoba, Chapter 19: "The Death of Elzear Goulet". He also gives the best documentation of the "Reign of Terror". See for example Chapter 18: "Schultz and the Beginning of the Reign of Terror". Goulet was "Lieutenant-General of the troops at Fort Garry under Ambroise Lepine...[and] took part in the court-martial which sentenced Thomas Scott to death", Ronaghan, p. 424, footnote 2.

51. Grandparents of Villeneuve's wife, Matilda Henry: Agathe Letendre married William Henry, a son of Alexander Henry the Elder; their son Alexis Henry married Marie Daunais dit Lyonnaise, daughter of Francois Daunais dit Lionais and Francoise Saulteaux; Francois was related to Louis Letendre's mother, Marguerite Lionais dit Delaunay (Morin Genealogy).

52. Diane P. Payment, Iesgens litres -Otipemisiwak": Batoche, Saskatchewan 1870-1930 Parks Service, Environment Canada,1990: 34.

53. National Archives of Canada (NAC), Department of Justice, RG13-C1, v. (r7, v.1409, L. Letendre file. The writers assume that there were files on Jerome St. Matte and Villeneuve, but they were destroyed when they were acquitted.

54. Centennial Edition of The Kittson Count Enterprise, June 29,1983, page 10 included the article by former editor Joseph Bouvette, on Andre Jerome [dit St. Mattel reprinted from the earlier souvenir edition of 1906. The Jerome family used "St. Matte" (also: St. Matte or Sammatte) as a "dit" name. This included Andre's six brothers and other relatives. These names caused considerable confusion the records. The brothers and half-brothers were: Louis, Elie, Andre, David, Jerome, Daniel, Joseph and Roger. Martin and Baptiste had died before 1871.

55. Bouvette's ancestors came from the Pembina area and he knew the Jerome family well.

56. NAC, Dept. Of Justice, Vol.1409, L. Letendre file, Guard to Macdonald, June 22,1872. Girard notes in this letter that the "poor fellow who is actually detained at the STONE FORT in the Province of Manitoba and known as Louison Letendre, a French halft*reed of Pembina, convicted as one of the Fenian leaders, at the Fenian Raid of last fall". This reference linked the STONE FORT with the incarceration of the prisoners. See also PAM, MG4 D6-1, Canada Dept. Of Justice, Canadian Penitentiary Service,Manitoba Penitentiary (Stony Mountain) Register of Prisoners,1871, 1913. The penitentiary at Stoney Mountain was not constructed until several years later. See also Philip Gouldring, The Manitoba Penitentiary and asylum, 1871-86, Manuscript Report #28, Parks branch, DIAND,1970: 23.

57. PAM, RG3, Cl (Box 4), 45: Records of the Attorney General, Manitoba Provincial Police, the Sheriff's Letter book; reference to St. Matte", 1.e. Andre Jerome, are on page 4,17,18 and 20.

58. On the Register of Prisoners page 1, Oiseau Letendre is listed as the fifth entry. Jerome and Villeneuve do not appear. Villeneuve was acquitted in November 1871 and Jerome's name was omitted because he was acquitted in the spring of 1872. It appears that a new register was begun after Jerome's acquittal; otherwise, he would have been registered along with Letendre. This is an example of how evidence of Jerome & Villeneuve's arrest disappeared from official records. Nevertheless, the three prisoners were recorded in the Sheriff's Record Book, Manitoba Provincial Police, corroborating Jerome's story in PAM, R3G Cl, 45, #17-20. The names are spelled incorrectly: "St. Malle" and "Ixtudie".

59. The Manitoban reported the trials of Louison Letendre(November 25 and December 2) and Andre Jerome dit St. Matte on December 2,1871.

60. Re: Treatment of Irish prisoners by the British: "The permanent officials assured [Lord Mass] that the recent danger was quite as bad, if not worse, than that encountered by Lord Kimberley in February, in temporarily overcoming which he imprisoned without trial 700 men and for doing so was made an Earl. Their arrests would, he hoped, be under 100, and they would be almost all principal men in the conspiracy", page 111 in Leon O'Broin, Fenian Fever: An AngloAmerican Dilemma, London: Chatto & Windus,1971; this book gives a detailed discussion of Fenian activities in Ireland from 1863-68.

61. Gage Canadian Dicliorwry.

62. O'Broin, Fenian Fever, p. 111 descn'bed Fenian trials in Great Britain
where some prisoners were encouraged to give evidence against their comrades. "Several of the prisoners had shown a disposition to 'split' which would make it easier to secure convictions at the ordinary Commission in February if they thought it advisable to try three or four of the worst of them."

63. Personal communication, December 13,1993.

64. GilaumeCharetteVanishgSpaces:A4mvirsofLouis Goulet, translated
by Ray Ellenwood, Winnipeg: Editions Bois*Brules, 1976:151-154.

65. Letendre file, evidence of HBC post manager W.H. Watt, trial notes, p. 36.

66. Dom Benoit, Vie deMgr. Tache, vol. 2,Montreal: Librairie Beauchemin, p. 175. Bishop Tache intervened with the Governor General, Lord Lisgar, to commute Letendre's death sentence and deplored the fanaticism of the Orangemen in Red River. A.G. Morice, in his Histoire de l'Eglise Catholique daps l'Ouest Canadien du Cac Superieure au Pacifique (1659-1905), (vol. 2, Montreal: Granger Freres, 1915) argued that because of the deaths of Elzear Goulet, James Tanner, the attack on Andre Nault and the conflict at Riviere des Islets du Bois [the Reign of Terror], the Metis wanted revenge (p.195-196). A. H. De Tremaudan, "Louis Riel and the Fenian Raid of 1871 ", CHR, vol. 4, #2, June 1923: footnote 25: "We have seen it so often stated that the Metis only came forward after all was over that we think it necessary to insist that trustworthy sources prove quite the opposite". This was his intention in publishing his article.

67. George Young, Manitoba Memories, 1868-1884, pp. 212-229. Robert Hill, Manitoba: History of Its Early Settlment, Development & Resources, Toronto: William Briggs, p.346. A fairer report was given by Alexander Begg, History of the North West, vol. 2, Toronto: Hunter, Rose & Company, p. 69: "It must be remembered, however, that O'Donoghue was at the time adisappointed man, on unfriendly terms with Riel and notwithstanding a strong feeling in the minds of many that the French were ready at a moment's warning to join the small party of invaders, the testimony of Bishop Tache and Governor Archibald exonerated Riel altogether from the charge of being implicated in the Fenian Raid".

68. J.P. Pritchett, "The Origin of the So-Called Fenian Raid on Manitoba", CHIZ, vol. 10, #1, March: 23-42. Pritchett concluded that O'Donoghue acted on his own without the support of the Fenians or Riel, but the fact remains that he did have the support of three prominent Fenian officers: O'Neill, Donnelly and Curley (or Kelly) and the organization supplied the muskets and ammunition. Hereward Senior argues that O'Donoghue acted on his own, personal communication, December 16,1993.

69. Hill, 1890, p. 348. Garrioch, p. 337. In his important article by J.P. Pritchett in 1929, he noted that the murder of Elzear Goulet on September 13, 1870 "was one of the most critical events in the early history of the province ofManitoba", page 25, which showed Pritchett's sensitivity to the French Canadian and Metis perspective which most English-speaking Canadian historians did not share; but he ended his story with the freeing of the Fenian raiders and did not discuss the arrest of the Pembina Metis.

70. NAC in PAM, Macdonald papers, Archibald to Macdonald, October 25,1871: 25061.

71. See Ronaghan's thesis on Archibald for a complete review of his administration. See Stanley, Louis Riel, for examples of Archibald's harassment by Canadian anti-Metis agitators, especiallyin the Election Riot of September 1872: "The Governor and his faction are still and have been badly scared" (pp. 180-87).

72. Donald Creighton, The Old Chieftain, p. 60: McMicken reported to Macdonald to expect a raid on Manitoba by General John O'Neill in April 1870.

73. See D.N. Sprague, Canada & the Mtis, 2869-1885, Waterloo:1988, pp. 95-96. Also Jeff Keshen, "Cloak and Dagger: Canada West's Secret Police,1864-6T', Ontario History 79:4: pp. 353-381. Dale 8z Lee Gibson, Railroading the Train Robbers" in Glimpses of Canadian Legal History Legal Research Institute of the University of Manitoba,1991, pp. 7194 for more information on McMicken and his police activities. For McMicken's own view, see "The Abortive Fenian Raid on Manitoba", HSSM, Winnipeg:1888.

74. Niedhardt documents the role of Henri LeCaron, a British spy who reported Fenian plans in the USA against Canada (p.143, chapter 8,
footnote 1). O'Broin gives many examples of the British use of spies and informers against the Fenians, for example, J.J. Corydon, an Irish American, "was a loose-livingcharacter and had been giving information for some time to the police in Liverpool, usually through Head Constable McHale of the Irish constabulary, who was stationed in that city for the express purpose of reporting on Fenian activities", p. 127.

75. Major C.A. Boulton, 1 Fought Riel: A Military Memoir, ed. Heather Robertson, Toronto: James Lorimer and Company,1985, p. 64.

76. Macdonald Papers, vol. 16, pp. 522-23, Macdonald to McMicken, 29 November 1871, as cited in Sprague, Canada & theMwtts, p. 96, footnote 23.

77. The source of this term was in an American newspaper story; see Allen Ronaghan, Ph.D. thesis, on the Archibald administration.

78. Stanley, Louis Riel, pp. 160-161. Garrioch who gives the Ontario Canadian point of view noted: "There was a thorough investigation over the manner of Goulet's death and the responsibility for it was traced home to three of the volunteers, but owing to the excitement connected with the occurrence, it was deemed wise to let the matter rest for a time, and it is resting still", p. 333-334.

79. Ronaghan gives the most detailed description of the coverage of this incident in the newspapers. For the French view, see Guillaume Charette, Vanishing Spaces: Memoirs of louis Goulet, Winnipeg:1976, p. 74: "In the autumn of 1870, Elzear Goulet was stoned by Wolseley's soldiers when they were garrisoned at the Fort". De Tremaudan castigated thejustice system which didnot pursue Goulet's murderers: "For the sake of appearances, an inquest was held; but even though the guilty men, a civilian and two soldiers, were known, themagistrates in the case decided that, due to the state of unrest among the people, it was better not to issue arrest warrants" in Hold High Your Heads, Winnipeg: Pemmican, 1982, p. 104. Both de Tremaudan and Goulet can be seen expressing the Metis voice on Goulet's death and the resentment felt by the community at the lack of justice. Pritchett noted that the result of Goulet's murder was the return to the settlement of Riel, O'Donoghue and Lepine to organize the September 17 meeting of French Metis at St. Norbert at which they composed the Memorial & Petition to the U.S. President; (CHR, vol. 10:1, 1929: 25-26). It prompted their direct intervention. O'Donoghue argued in a letter to the House of Commons, Feb. 26,1875, that this meeting at St. Norbert gave him his commission to organize the 1871 raid (Pritchett: 41). Dr. J.C. Schultz, opponent of Riel and the Metis, later included this letter in his own files and wrote on the top "Bourgeois Leader"; PAM, MG12, El (7455-7460). O'Donoghue signed it: "Sec. & Ty, Late Prov. Govmnt. Of Rupert's Land, N.W.".

80. PAM, Belleau Papers, LeFloch to Tache, September 20,1870; Simonet to Tache, same date.

81. Garrioch, p. 334.
82. Andre Jerome's mother was Angelique Letendre who was a sister of Jean-Baptiste Letendre, Louison's father. The brother and sister were married to their spouses on the same day in St. Boniface, 6 June,1825, Diane P. Payment, Dictionary of Canadian Biography, vol. VI,1821-1835. Helene Goulet's father was Jean-Baptiste Jerome, Andre's brother,but he was dead in 1871 and her mother was Josephte Courchene, listed in the Goulet-Jerome marriage record from Pembina Assumption Church, March 8, 1859 "a la Fourches"; they signed their names: "Elziard Goulet" and "Ellen Jerome"; Joe Rolette signed as a witness.

83. In fact, Joseph Rolette signed the register as a witness to her wedding in March 8,1859, Pembina Register, M-5.

84. In the Genealogy of the First Mefis Nation, Sprague noted that Helene St. Mathe, wife of Elzear Goulet, was born in 1844; so in 1871, she was 27 and her husband was 31.

85. NAC, Letendre file, notes of witness testimony.

86. Letendre file, testimony of Antoine Collin (p. 28) and Antoine Paul Laronte (sic; p.5). Paul Laronte Sr. testified he saw Letendre, Jerome St. Matte, his father [Martin], Joseph St. Matte, Louis St. Matte and Jimmy from Cork. He also saw "Joseph St. Matthe brought the wagon which contained the arms"; Letendre file, p. 17 of notes on witness testimony.

87. Ed Jerome suggests that this story was passed down in his family; for example, his aunt, Mary Shepherd, who lived to be 101, told it to relatives at the occasion of her 100th birthday. The Pembina Census of 1860 often lists teenage Metis boys as "voyageurs" or "laborers". Their teenage sisters are often listed as "seamstresses".

88. Robert B. Hill, History of its Early Settlement, Development and Resources, Toronto: William Briggs,1890, 337-338.

89. It should be noted that Helene Jerome Goulet, the widow of Elzear, and her six chldren were living in Saint Boniface with her mother-inlaw and brother-in-law,1870 Red River Census, so she was not living in Pembina at the time of the raid in October 1871.

90. PAM, MG3 B18, Andre Nault depositions, p. 383: re: death of Thomas Scott. Allen Ronaghan argued convincingly that Elzear Goulet was targetted by Schultz's father-in-law, James Farquarson, because of his role in Scott's court martial.

91. G.F.G. Stanley, /ouis Riel, Toronto: McGraw-Hill-Ryerson,1963,1985, p.161. He cites the deaths of Francois Guillemette, Bob O'Lone, James Tanner, and the assaults on Nault, Father Kavanaugh, and Thomas Spence, the editor of The New Nation

92. The blodtobm, March 18,1872.

93. NAC, Letendre file, letter to Edward Armstrong, Sheriff of Manitoba, Fort Carry, from E. Parent,M.O.P., [Member of Parliament], December 27,1872. Edward Armstrong, Winnipeg, to E. Parent, Under Secretary, [Department of Justice, Ottawa], January 30, 1873: "I am able to inform you that he has left the Dominion."

94. NAC, Letendre file, testimony of Paul Laronte Sr., p. 24. The article in Let M*fis reporting on Letendre's trial referred to him as "mentally unstable" and "an idiot". His lawyers used his alleged mental weakness as part of their defence strategy to prove he was not a leader of the raid.

95. WS. Neidhardt, Fenianism in North America. v. 127

96. See Leon O'Broin, Fenian Fever: An Ang-American DMemma, (London: Chatto & Windus,1971) for a detailed discussion of Fenian activities in Ireland from 1863-68.

97. W.S. Neidhardt, Fenianism in North America, (Pennsylvania State University Press,1975); Chapter 11: "The Fenian Prisoners & the Irish Vote". In The Fenians and Canada (1978), Senior described for example in 1866 "Fenian pressure on the Johnson Administration" such as lobbying for the extension of belligerent rights to the Fenians and changing the neutrality laws. The American government returned weapons that had been seized and hired a lawyer for captured Irish Americans in Toronto (pp. 111-112).

98. See O'Broin, Fenian Fever: For example, three men later known as the "Manchester Martyrs" were hanged in 1867 for complicity in the rescue of Col. T.J. Kelly in that English city (p. 202). This was in keeping with British government policy as expressed by the Conservative Prime Minister, the Earl of Derby, at the time of the Irish Uprising in 1867: "He recommended a special Commission to try the ringleaders, and especially the American Irish. It would be quite necessary to make a prompt and severe example of them; and much as he shrank from capital punishment, it would have, in this instance, to be resorted to without scruple and was indeed real mercy" (p.154).

99. For the debate on the Metis diaspora, see D.N. Sprague, Canada 6 the Mts, Waterloo: Wilfred Laurier University Press,1988; Gerhard Ens, "Kinship, Ethnicity, Class & the Red River Metis: The Parishes of St. Francois Savier & St. Andrews", Ph.D. thesis, University of Alberta: 1989; Thomas Flanagan, Metis Lands in Manitoba, Calgary: University of Calgary Press, 1991; and Paul L.A.H, Chartrand, Manitoba MEtis Settlement Scheme of 1870, Saskatoon: Native Law Centre, University of Saskatchewan,1991.

100. For details about the "Reign of Terror", see George F.G.Stanley, Louis Riel, Toronto: McGraw-Hill-Ryerson, 1963, 1985, pp. 159-164; A.H. de Tremaudan, Hold High Your Heads, Winnipeg: Pemmican Publication 1982; Allen Ronaghan, "The Archibald Administration in Manitoba", Ph.D., University of Manitoba,1987, several chapters.

101. Thanks to Yvette Villeneuve, St. Cloud, Minnesota, and Gerri Weigle, great-great-granddaughter of Ambroise Lepine, personal communication.